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The document outlines that Africa is experiencing significant warming and increased extreme weather, which threatens food security, health, and economic growth. It argues that while Africa has contributed little to historic emissions, it is highly vulnerable and must integrate adaptation and mitigation into long-term development planning. Key opportunities for the region include adopting decentralized renewable energy, implementing conservation agriculture, and planning low-carbon urban growth to avoid fossil fuel lock-in.

The paper argues that fossil-fuel subsidies in Emerging and Developing Asia, totaling US$104 billion in 2011, represent a significant opportunity to finance the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It contends that these subsidies are regressive, primarily benefiting wealthier populations while undermining investments in renewable energy and public health. Using case studies from the Philippines and Indonesia, the document demonstrates how transitioning from universal subsidies to targeted social welfare programs and fuel taxation can improve fiscal health and social equity. The author recommends that the SDGs explicitly include a goal to phase out inefficient fossil-fuel subsidies by 2030 to encourage national reforms.

The document assesses the gap between current climate-specific mitigation finance and the levels required to meet a 2°C target. It highlights that while estimates vary widely due to differing assumptions and metrics, current investments are insufficient, particularly in developing countries. The analysis distinguishes between total climate-specific investment, incremental investment (above business-as-usual), and net climate-relevant finance (which accounts for avoided fossil fuel infrastructure).

The document argues that women's disproportionate vulnerability to climate change and environmental stress is driven by social constraints and unequal power relations rather than inherent traits. It highlights that gender-blind policies in sectors such as fisheries, disaster risk reduction, and sanitation often disadvantage women or widen existing gender gaps. The briefing emphasizes that gender intersects with age and class, meaning vulnerability is multi-dimensional. To be effective, the document asserts that interventions must move beyond simple legal changes or stereotypes and instead adopt multi-faceted strategies across household, community, and national levels.

The document analyzes the shift in piracy activity from the Horn of Africa to the Gulf of Guinea. While international efforts led to a dramatic decline in Somali piracy, West African piracy increased in 2012, driven primarily by the theft of refined petroleum products linked to illegal oil bunkering in the Niger Delta. The author highlights the regional approach to security in West Africa, including the 2050 Africa’s Integrated Maritime Strategy (AIMS) and the establishment of an Inter-regional Coordination Centre in Yaoundé, while noting persistent challenges in intelligence gathering and inter-operability.

The research paper examines the 2013 Elysée Summit on Peace and Security, noting that despite institutional changes in France—such as the liquidation of the Africa Cell and the replacement of the ministry of cooperation with the ministry of development—France remains the primary military 'gendarme' in African conflicts. The author highlights recent interventions in Mali (Operation Serval) and the Central African Republic as evidence that France continues to fill security voids that African institutions cannot yet manage. The paper concludes that African powers, specifically South Africa and Nigeria, should redefine 'African solutions to African problems' to include external pivots and improve coordination through initiatives like the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC).

The report documents a pattern of violence and judicial harassment against land and environmental rights defenders in 2013. It argues that these individuals are particularly vulnerable as global competition for land and resources increases, often facing threats from government forces and corporations. The document provides specific case studies from Europe, the Americas, Africa, and Asia, detailing arrests, murders, and forced evictions linked to opposition against extractive industries, mega-projects, and agribusiness.

The paper argues that while FDI is beneficial for growth, the tendency of transnational companies to prioritize short-term shareholder dividends over long-term reinvestment (Brownfield investments) exacerbates current account deficits in middle-income countries. In South Africa, this is particularly acute because large investment income outflows are not offset by a trade surplus, unlike in some other BRIC nations. The author recommends shifting policy toward attracting 'quality' FDI that is labour-absorbing and export-oriented, utilizing corporate-level incentives to encourage the reinvestment of profits into the domestic economy.

The document examines how the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) facilitates the inclusion of civil society organisations (CSOs) in national governance assessments. While the APRM has helped transform CSOs from adversaries into partners in some countries, the process faces challenges such as 'pro-forma participation', capacity constraints, and a decline in momentum after the publication of Country Review Reports (CRRs). The author recommends that governments involve CSOs directly in monitoring and evaluation and that CSOs develop strategies for sustained policy dialogue and cross-national peer learning.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), launched in 2003, aims to improve governance in Africa through voluntary peer reviews. While it has successfully opened political space for civil society and provided frank assessments of 17 member states, it suffers from a lack of enforcement, insufficient political will at the continental level, and poor implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). The document argues that the APRM is often perceived as a technical exercise for elites and recommends that the APR Forum exercise more peer pressure, governments secure realistic budgets for NPoAs, and civil society be given a formal role in monitoring progress.

The document is an open letter addressed to ministers and delegates of UNFCCC signatory states, urging them to adopt ambitious climate protection measures and stop the use of emissions trading to weaken climate commitments. The signatories, representing 33 countries, demand the rejection of a pilot phase for emissions unit trading under the Framework for Various Approaches (FVA), the prevention of double counting, and the exclusion of non-additional projects and coal from the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). They also call for the cessation of fossil fuel subsidies and the implementation of human rights safeguards in climate projects.

The president of Friends of the Earth U.S. advocates for a Robin Hood Tax to address the global climate crisis. The author contends that the trillions of dollars required for climate action cannot be met by current 'anemic' global funding efforts, which often repurpose existing aid for health and education or rely on private investors. The text highlights climate-driven disasters in Asia, Europe, Australia, Africa, the Maldives, and Alaska as evidence of the urgent need for a dedicated, non-privatized funding mechanism to ensure global justice and a livable planet.

The report highlights that kerosene lamps emit significantly more black carbon than previously estimated, contributing to global warming and severe health risks. It argues that replacing these lamps with solar LED and other off-grid alternatives is a cost-effective climate mitigation strategy with substantial co-benefits. While many initiatives already exist, the report suggests the CCAC could add value by raising high-level awareness, promoting quality standards, and supporting finance for SMEs and consumers, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia.

The document examines the complex 'bundle of rights'—control, management, and use—associated with forest resources in Ghana. It details how the 1992 Constitution establishes trusteeship (fiduciary relationships) where the state or stools manage resources for the benefit of the people. The briefing distinguishes between naturally occurring forests (on-reserve and off-reserve) and planted timber, noting that while natural trees generally follow land ownership, the state often superimposes trusteeship via the 1962 Concessions Act. It also reviews international obligations under the African Charter and ILO conventions, concluding that the legal framework requires clarification to ensure accountability and sustainable, collaborative management.

Brazil has reframed its South Atlantic strategy to protect significant pre-salt oil and gas deposits, leading to a naval modernisation programme and a 'Blue Amazon' campaign to foster a maritime mentality. This strategy includes pursuing the expansion of its continental shelf through UNCLOS, developing a nuclear-propulsion attack submarine in co-operation with France, and establishing a 'goodwill belt' of defence ties with West African states. Brazil also seeks to revive the South Atlantic Peace and Co-operation Zone (Zopacas) to assert regional leadership and limit the influence of outside powers like NATO.

The document examines the underutilisation of best practices within the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), noting that while over 200 practices have been identified across 15 country review reports, they remain largely confined to those reports. It argues that best practices should serve as a central anchor for peer learning to drive governance reform. The author recommends that the APRM define best practices more clearly, integrate their identification into the initial country self-assessment phase to increase national ownership, and establish a central repository and dedicated learning forums to disseminate these home-grown solutions across the continent.

The document examines the intersection of G-20 financial regulatory initiatives and African economic development. It identifies five key G-20 focus areas—financial stability, financial inclusion, local currency bond markets, agricultural finance, and trade finance—and assesses the mechanisms through which non-member African states can influence these global standards. While acknowledging that the G-20 recognizes the needs of developing countries, the author argues that African representation remains limited and that the adoption of international standards like Basel II/III must be sequenced to align with local developmental goals.

The report examines the critical role of mangrove ecosystems in Mozambique, highlighting their value in carbon sequestration, coastal protection, and supporting fisheries. It identifies significant threats from urban growth, aquaculture, and the extractive boom in oil, gas, and mining. The author argues that Mozambique's current governance is fragmented across multiple ministries, leading to weak enforcement of environmental laws. The document advocates for the use of ecosystem valuation, Strategic Environmental Assessments (SEAs), and 'Blue Carbon' financing to incentivize conservation and reconcile economic growth with ecological sustainability.

The research paper evaluates Nandi Dlamini-Zuma's first year as Chairperson of the African Union Commission (AUC). It credits her with improving the Commission's administrative efficiency, enhancing the AU's global diplomatic visibility, and initiating the 'Agenda 2063' framework. However, it highlights failures in managing conflicts in Mali and the Central African Republic, tensions arising from the appointment of South African diplomats to senior roles, and the ongoing challenge of the International Criminal Court's jurisdiction in Africa.

Friends of the Earth South Africa and groundWork argue that the South African government is rushing to lift the fracking moratorium without transparent impact studies or meaningful public consultation. They contend that promises of job creation by corporations like Royal Dutch Shell are misleading and that fracking would exacerbate socio-economic inequalities and environmental degradation. The authors highlight the climate risk, noting that methane is a more powerful greenhouse gas than CO2, and urge the president to protect regions like the Karoo and KwaZulu-Natal by pursuing renewable energy alternatives.