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The document promotes agricultural cooperatives as a socially and politically acceptable alternative to 'land grabbing,' allowing farmers to retain control of their resources while accessing markets and finance. It distinguishes between production and service cooperatives and highlights the benefits of collective bargaining and resource sharing. The text emphasizes that while foreign investment can reduce risk and provide capital, government support should be limited to creating a favorable legal environment and providing technical training, rather than direct interference in management.

The 2014 South African Defence Review describes the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) as being in a 'critical state of decline' due to obsolescence, force imbalance, and unsustainable budgeting. The review proposes a long-term rejuvenation plan through four planning milestones extending to 2034, requiring significant budget increases. However, the author argues that the review's 'mandate-driven' approach is overly expansive given South Africa's financial constraints and actual tasks. The brief recommends refocusing the SANDF on peace operations, downsizing bloated staffing structures, and reforming the department's accountability and procurement legislation.

The document examines the evolution of democratic governance in Africa from the OAU era to the AU era, focusing on the APRM and ACDEG. It argues that while the continent has shifted from 'politics of the bullet' to 'politics of the ballot', significant challenges remain, including 'illiberal democracies' and slow implementation of governance reviews. The author advocates for stronger synergies between the African Governance Architecture (AGA) and the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), increased domestic funding for National Programmes of Action (NPoAs), and a balanced role for non-state actors to prevent 'state capture' of these initiatives.

The document outlines a framework for transitioning African governance toward the 2030 SDGs, emphasizing the need for National Councils for Sustainable Development (NCSDs) and integrated planning. It identifies current gaps, such as poor policy implementation and a dearth of data, and proposes capacity-building strategies and the establishment of Communities of Practice (CoP) to foster knowledge sharing across the continent.

The paper finds that Nigeria's trade with BRICS is heavily skewed toward crude oil exports and manufactured imports, with China and South Africa playing the most significant roles in driving Nigerian GDP growth through imports and exports, respectively.

The document evaluates the African Union's (AU) efforts to promote democracy through electoral perspectives, arguing that while AU declarations have positively influenced the electoral landscape, elections often remain 'democratic liabilities' rather than assets. It identifies key setbacks including the resurgence of military coups, tenure elongation (the 'third term agenda'), and the refusal of incumbents to concede power. The author critiques AU election monitoring for being undermined by poor field coverage, a short-term focus on election-day events, and a tendency to be less critical of incumbents seeking re-election. The paper concludes that AU reports lack legal force and often conflict with domestic observer findings, necessitating a shift toward long-term monitoring and stronger collaboration with local civil society.

The document argues that African countries must integrate an ecosystem-based approach into economic planning to protect natural assets from pressures like population growth and extractive industries. It advocates for the use of ecological accounting and natural asset pricing to quantify the economic value of ecosystems, which often exceeds the value of their conversion for mining or farming. The brief recommends a multi-level governance system—combining national interdisciplinary coordination with local community co-management—and the adoption of innovative financing like Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES) and Blue Carbon frameworks. It emphasizes the need for rigorous environmental impact assessments (EIAs) and scientific spatial mapping to guide conservation priorities and regulate development in sensitive areas.

The document examines the governance of African fisheries, highlighting the tension between wealth generation and the 'welfare function' of small-scale fisheries. It identifies illegal, unregulated, and unreported (IUU) fishing as a major threat, particularly in West Africa, and discusses the transition from centralised governance to co-management systems. While progress is noted in the use of satellite tracking and regional cooperation to combat industrial overfishing, the document emphasizes the need for sustainable, independent co-management structures to protect livelihoods and ecosystems.

A coalition of social movements and NGOs argues that the FAO's current forest definition is reductionist and primarily benefits industrial timber, pulp, paper, and rubber companies. The authors contend that by defining forests simply as land with a certain percentage of tree cover, the FAO erroneously classifies large-scale monoculture plantations as 'reforestation' and ignores the structural and cultural importance of forests to the 300 million people who depend on them for their livelihoods. The letter calls for a new, community-led definition process that recognizes the role of forests in food sovereignty and biological diversity.

The research paper examines the establishment of the BRICS New Development Bank (NDB), arguing that a democratic governance model with equal contributions of USD$ 10 billion per member is preferable to a weighted system. It suggests the bank should focus on infrastructure and sustainable development, potentially extending investments beyond the BRICS nations to less developed states in Africa, Latin America, and East Asia. The author advises against the premature adoption of a BRICS-specific currency, recommending the use of recognized global standards for transactions.

The report identifies that high cost, short tenors, and variable interest rates of debt increase the cost of renewable energy in India by 24-32% compared to the US. It evaluates five recommended instruments to address these barriers: government bonds, infrastructure debt funds (mutual fund model), partial credit guarantees, partial risk guarantees, and exchange rate liquidity facilities. The analysis finds that government bonds offer the highest potential for cost reduction (up to 4.5 percentage points) and tenor increase (up to 10 years), while other instruments like partial credit guarantees can mobilize private capital from pension and insurance funds by enhancing project credit ratings to AA. The report also examines the impact of currency hedging costs, which currently neutralize the advantages of lower-cost foreign debt, and proposes a liquidity facility to mitigate this risk.

The report establishes a framework for evaluating the financial viability of power sectors through four key criteria: cost recovery, ability to meet demand, investment capacity, and adherence to social and environmental norms. It details specific metrics such as Levelized Cost of Electricity (LCOE), system losses, and the 'price-gap approach' for measuring subsidies. The analysis highlights global variances, noting that 82% of 87 analyzed countries provided electricity subsidies in 2011 and that power outages cause significant economic losses, averaging 19% of annual sales for affected firms. The framework also emphasizes the tension between achieving full cost recovery and maintaining affordability for low-income households, particularly in African nations.

The document examines Brazil's shift from traditional state-led foreign policy to a 'public policy' approach, characterized by a plurality of actors including domestic ministries and subnational entities. It details Brazil's South–South co-operation (SSC) strategies, which emphasize horizontal relationships and solidarity over traditional donor-recipient models. The analysis highlights the strategic importance of Africa, noting significant growth in trade, technical co-operation through the Brazilian Cooperation Agency (ABC), and the role of state-owned enterprises like Vale and Petrobras. It argues that these strategies are part of Brazil's broader pursuit of political autonomy and global power status through coalitions like BRICS and IBSA.

This research paper by the Institute for Security Studies presents three plausible scenarios for South Africa's economic and political trajectory up to 2030: 'Bafana Bafana' (continued underachievement), 'Mandela Magic' (high growth and vision), and 'Nation Divided' (political instability and populist decline). Using the International Futures forecasting system, the author analyzes how leadership choices, particularly within the African National Congress (ANC) and its alliance with COSATU, will impact GDP, employment, and social stability.

The paper finds that while G-20 documents rarely mention Africa explicitly, they address broader developing country interests, particularly in adapting financial standards and promoting financial inclusion. It highlights the role of the Financial Stability Board (FSB) and the Global Partnership for Financial Inclusion (GPFI) as key channels for African engagement, while noting that African states often lack the supervisory capacity to implement complex international standards like Basel III.

The paper identifies six primary risk factors for conflict in Mozambique: history of violence and political party dynamics, geographic distribution, poverty and inequality, expectations, corruption, and the cost of extraction. While the authors conclude that full-scale civil war is improbable, they warn of a high likelihood of periodic pockets of violence, particularly in resource-rich regions where political opposition is strong and local populations feel marginalised.

The paper analyzes the funding of African governance institutions, such as anti-corruption commissions and the APRM, and processes like constitutional reform and the EITI. It argues that while government funding is ideal for ensuring national ownership, a mix of donor and state funds is common. The author highlights that funding can be used as a reward for good governance (e.g., US Millennium Challenge Account) or as a tool for donor control (e.g., EU funding of PEFA). The document concludes that mitigating external influence requires a combination of self-assessment processes, adherence to continental or global standards, and the mainstreaming of governance actions into national budgets.

The document argues that developing countries can avoid high-carbon lock-in by adopting strategic industrial policies to build technological capabilities. It examines energy efficiency in the sub-Saharan African cement sector and the growth of renewable energy manufacturing in China and India, recommending a mix of targeted protectionism, best available technology regulations, and international support to transition toward climate-compatible development.

The report argues that while real-economy policies are essential, they are insufficient to catalyze the scale of green finance needed for a sustainable transition. It examines China's progress in green credit, insurance, and emissions trading, while highlighting the need for a comprehensive framework of definitions, standards, and regulatory mandates to avoid systemic risks like stranded assets. The authors suggest that emerging economies, particularly China, have an opportunity to 'leapfrog' developed markets by integrating sustainability into the core design of their maturing financial systems.

The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), established in 2003 under NEPAD, is a voluntary governance assessment system where African states evaluate their own political, economic, and corporate governance. By 2013, 33 states had acceded, with 17 completing their first review. The mechanism utilizes a process of self-assessment, expert missions, and high-level peer review to identify deficiencies and implement National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). While the APRM has successfully expanded democratic space and fostered a common governance vocabulary, it faces challenges in integrating NPoAs into national budgets and ensuring consistent high-level oversight of implementation.