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The research finds that an aggressive reduction in gender inequality would significantly increase Africa's GDP, GDP per capita, and human development indices by 2043. The most substantial economic gains are projected in the service sector and in regions with currently high gender gaps, such as North and West Africa. Socially, the Gender scenario is forecast to lift millions out of extreme poverty and reduce the number of stunted children by 6 million compared to the Current Path.

The AfCFTA faces significant implementation hurdles due to the extreme economic disparity between member states, which may lead to 'winners and losers' where advanced economies benefit while least developed countries (LDCs) face initial welfare losses. Key challenges include the loss of critical tariff revenues for some governments, weak institutional capacities in LDCs, and limited commitment to the free movement of labour. To mitigate these risks, the agreement employs special and differential treatment, granting LDCs and a specific 'Group of 6' (G6) longer phase-out periods for tariff liberalisation, though the authors argue that additional support from the AU Secretariat and private finance is necessary to bridge the development gap.

The report details a strategic scenario for Africa to improve health and demographic outcomes by 2050. Key interventions include increasing modern contraceptive use to 75% in sub-Saharan Africa and 85% in North Africa, reducing mortality for the top five disease types by 20 percentage points, and expanding safely managed water and sanitation access. The scenario also targets a 20% reduction in under-five stunting in 39 countries. These improvements require an additional US$18.9 billion in health spending continentwide, with infrastructure spending peaking at US$4.7 billion per annum in 2037. The model is based on empirical benchmarks from countries like Ethiopia, Malawi, Ghana, and Kenya, and mirrors historical progress in South America and South Asia.

The AfCFTA agreement, effective since January 2021, is being implemented in three phases covering trade in goods, services, investment, and digital trade. While 47 of 55 countries had ratified the agreement by January 2024, progress varies across specific instruments, such as the Pan African Payment and Settlement System (PAPSS) and the Protocol on Free Movement of Persons.

The Manufacturing scenario projects a structural economic transformation for Africa by 2043, increasing the manufacturing sector's GDP share to 18.1% and adding US$282.8 billion to the continent's total GDP. This shift is expected to generate 34.6 million additional jobs, primarily unskilled roles in agro-processing and services, while increasing government revenue by US$81.6 billion. The scenario forecasts a reduction in extreme poverty, lifting 19.11 million more people out of poverty by 2043 than the Current Path, and predicts a long-term decrease in income inequality through the expansion of the middle class.

The document describes a 'pragmatic' security integration between the US and Nigeria that avoids formal military treaties by using civilian instruments. By leveraging Section 126 of AGOA and the 'Safe Skies for Africa' initiative, the US provides decommissioned FAA equipment and technical assistance to modernize Nigerian airspace. This creates a 'shared awareness' corridor that serves both aviation safety and counter-insurgency monitoring, effectively replacing lost US surveillance capacity in the Sahel. However, the author warns that this operational deepening is contradicted by increasing political uncertainty in Washington regarding the future of AGOA, which some legislators seek to turn into a discretionary disciplinary tool.

Since the death of Yevgeny Prigozhin in 2023, Russia has restructured its African security engagements, moving from the high-profile combat deployments of the Wagner Group to a more centralised model controlled by the Kremlin and the GRU. This new approach prioritises 'regime survival' services, including elite protection, training, and intelligence sharing, while expanding covert information warfare through entities like Russia House and the African Initiative. Despite these efforts, Russia's footprint is constrained by the resource demands of its war in Ukraine and risks of 'blowback' from African governments due to human rights abuses and deceptive recruitment schemes like 'Alabuga Start'.

The research paper examines 'Africa+1' summits—high-level meetings between African nations and a single external power—as a strategic arena for geopolitical influence. It traces the evolution from early French-led summits to a 'second generation' involving Asian powers like Japan, China, India, and Turkey, and more recent engagement from Indonesia, Saudi Arabia, and Italy. The author argues that Africa's demographic growth and critical mineral wealth have increased its strategic value, allowing African states to exercise greater agency by leveraging rivalries between global powers. However, the document critiques the summit format as often being performative and asymmetric, noting a gap between multi-billion-dollar pledges and tangible results. It highlights proposals for reform, such as unified AU representation, to move toward more equitable partnerships.

The report forecasts that COVID-19 will significantly hinder Africa's progress toward the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals, particularly in eliminating extreme poverty. Depending on the recovery scenario (V, U, or L), the number of Africans living in extreme poverty by 2030 is projected to increase to between 607 million and 640 million. The analysis highlights a severe short-term shock in 2020, with an additional 14 million people falling below the US$1.90 poverty threshold. Economic consequences include an expected increase in debt by 5 to 9 percentage points of GDP and a heightened dependence on international aid due to domestic economic contraction. The most negatively affected countries are identified as Nigeria, the DR Congo, Ethiopia, Niger, and Tanzania. Other SDG targets, including undernutrition, infant mortality, and education completion rates, are also expected to deteriorate or miss targets further.

The study finds a substantial disconnect between African climate commitments (NDCs) and national development blueprints (NDPs), with NDCs focusing on climate-centric sectors like energy and forestry while NDPs prioritize economic growth, finance, and the private sector. This 'parallel policy framework' is driven by institutional fragmentation, where NDCs are often externally funded and led by environment ministries, whereas NDPs are domestically anchored and led by economic planning ministries. The authors recommend a 'whole-of-government' approach to embed climate goals into national budgets and development strategies to maximize socio-economic co-benefits.

The report argues that the African Union Commission's reform, which reduced commissioners from eight to six, has led to institutional imbalances where crisis response overshadows conflict prevention. It highlights a significant funding gap for the new structure, costing an additional US$53 million. The document also analyzes the rise of military coups, attributing them to 'democratic subversions' such as the removal of term limits, and discusses the strain on Africa's humanitarian system due to conflict and climate shocks.

Nigeria holds 33 percent of Africa's gas reserves and is implementing the 'Decade of Gas' (2021-2030) to transition toward a gas-powered economy. While the country is a top global LNG exporter, it faces significant internal challenges, including high gas flaring (188 Bcf in 2022), inadequate pipeline infrastructure, and poor payment discipline in the power sector. The document argues that natural gas can serve as a bridge fuel toward Nigeria's net-zero 2060 goal and a catalyst for African industrialization in sectors like fertilizers and petrochemicals. However, the global energy transition is leading International Oil Companies (IOCs) to divest from onshore assets, and geopolitical instability—specifically Niger's 2023 coup—threatens major cross-border projects like the Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline.

The document argues that ECOWAS's perceived success in promoting democracy during the 2000s and 2010s was illusory, based on a narrow definition of democracy centered on elections rather than human rights and the rule of law. This approach, combined with a tendency to defer to the interests of heads of state, has led to a disconnect between the bloc and West African citizens. The paper highlights the impact of recent coups since 2020 and the formation of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) as evidence of this failure and a decline in Nigeria's regional influence. It concludes by recommending the creation of a Citizens Consultation Forum and a strategic task force on governance to restore credibility.

The document advocates for a transition from a representation-based Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda to a substantive feminist approach within ECOWAS. It highlights a gap between existing regional gender-justice frameworks and their practical application, noting that patriarchal power structures continue to drive conflict. The author recommends that ECOWAS institutionalise partnerships with grassroots movements, incorporate intersectionality into its Conflict Prevention Framework, and adopt feminist responses to climate insecurity and security sector reform to achieve lasting social transformation.

The document evaluates the ECOWAS free movement framework, noting its success in facilitating intra-regional mobility while highlighting significant barriers such as insecurity, protectionist national policies, and the recent withdrawal of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso to form the Alliance of Sahel States (AES).

The document examines how the lack of a harmonised digital identification system in West Africa hindered the free movement of people and goods during the Ebola epidemic and COVID-19 pandemic. It proposes that the ECOWAS Commission create a framework for digital ID interoperability and a 'health passport' linked to digital IDs to prevent future border closures and economic disruptions. The author suggests leveraging existing initiatives like the ECOWAS National Biometric Identity Card (ENBIC) and the West Africa Unique Identification for Regional Integration and Inclusion (WURI), while drawing on successful regional models from the EU's Digital COVID Certificate and ASEAN's Universal Verification Mechanism. The paper specifically recommends that the West African Health Organization (WAHO) lead the digital health trust initiative and that the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) be included in the network to ensure regional health security.

The document examines how the lack of harmonised digital identification and health information exchange systems in West Africa hindered the ECOWAS free movement regime during the Ebola epidemic and COVID-19 pandemic. It proposes integrating vaccine certification with foundational digital IDs—such as the ECOWAS National Biometric Identity Card (ENBIC) and the West Africa Unique Identification for Regional Integration and Inclusion (WURI) initiative—to create a 'health passport'. Drawing on examples from the EU's Digital COVID Certificate and ASEAN's Universal Verification Mechanism, the author recommends that the ECOWAS Commission and the West African Health Organization (WAHO) develop a regional digital health certification framework that includes members of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) to ensure comprehensive regional health security.

The document examines the challenges facing the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in attracting and managing foreign direct investment (FDI). It highlights a disconnect between regional elite institutions and citizens, exacerbated by the withdrawal of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger in January 2025. While West Africa possesses significant mineral resources and growth potential in renewables and IT, it suffers from weak governance, fragmented infrastructure, and an overdependence on foreign donors for energy project funding. The author recommends a harmonised regional investment framework and a prioritisation of cross-border energy infrastructure to enhance collective bargaining power and sustainable development.

The document examines the critical infrastructure gaps in West Africa, highlighting how deficiencies in energy, transport, digital connectivity, and water management hinder economic growth and the goals of ECOWAS's Vision 2050. It details specific initiatives like the Abidjan-Lagos Corridor Highway and the West African Power Pool (WAPP), while identifying barriers such as corruption, regulatory fragmentation, and a regional infrastructure funding gap estimated between USD 20 billion and USD 36 billion per year. The paper advocates for Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs), innovative financing like green bonds, and the inclusion of youth and SMEs to drive sustainable development.

The report examines the transition from 'localized' to 'locally led' anticipatory action within the IFRC Network. It identifies that while the network's global reach and National Societies are significant strengths, progress is hindered by political factors, centralized decision-making, and donor risk aversion. The document argues that scaling locally led action requires navigating trade-offs between global standardization and local autonomy, advocating for more flexible, long-term funding and the integration of indigenous knowledge into technical forecasting models.