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The document identifies numerous factual errors made by candidates from various political parties during a debate on the ecological and social transition. Key corrections include debunking claims that the EU Green Deal currently imposes norms on farmers, correcting the ranking of France as the EU's third-largest agricultural exporter rather than the first, and clarifying that France's energy mix is the second most decarbonized in Europe, behind Sweden. It also addresses misconceptions about the carbon footprint of Chinese-made renewables, the efficacy of hydrogen cars, and the actual population and migration figures in Mayotte.

The document explores the theoretical capacity of superhot rock energy in South America, highlighting its potential to meet rising energy demands, reduce fossil fuel reliance, and leverage existing oil and gas expertise, while noting that commercial scale is not expected by 2030.

The document argues that superhot rock energy could be a ubiquitous, low-land-footprint renewable source capable of replacing fossil fuel generation. Preliminary modeling suggests that approximately 20% of U.S. land area has superhot rock potential at depths below 8 miles, with just 1% of this resource potentially providing 4.3 terawatts of energy capacity. The report highlights that the U.S. oil and gas sector's subsurface expertise could accelerate commercialization, and that mature plants could eventually offer electricity as low as $25-40 per MWh.

The document argues that superhot rock energy could provide a ubiquitous, carbon-free, and land-efficient power source for the MENA region, leveraging existing subsurface expertise from the oil and gas industry to overcome technological hurdles.

The document explores the potential of superhot rock energy in Africa, highlighting its capacity to provide massive amounts of carbon-free electricity and its potential to drive economic growth and energy access.

The document explores the potential of superhot rock energy in Asia, highlighting its capacity to provide massive amounts of carbon-free electricity and its potential to replace fossil fuels while requiring minimal land use.

The document explores the potential of superhot rock energy in North America, estimating that 13% of the land area has potential at depths below 12.5 km. It argues that this resource could provide massive amounts of carbon-free electricity, leverage existing oil and gas expertise, and require significantly less land than other energy sources, with mature costs potentially as low as $25-40 per MWh.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) asserts that the UNFCCC and Paris Agreement do not exhaustively define State obligations regarding climate change. Instead, States are bound by concurrent duties under customary international law (such as the prevention of transboundary harm), human rights law, and the law of State responsibility. CIEL argues that the cumulative emission of greenhouse gases, primarily from fossil fuels, constitutes an internationally wrongful act. Consequently, responsible States—particularly industrialized nations—must cease their destructive conduct and provide full reparation for material and moral injuries. The submission emphasizes that these obligations extend to future generations, grounded in the principle of intergenerational equity and the precautionary principle, which mandates prioritizing proven emission reductions over speculative technologies.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) submits that the International Court of Justice (ICJ) should interpret State climate obligations through a harmonized lens of multiple legal frameworks. CIEL contends that while the UNFCCC and Paris Agreement are relevant, they do not displace other primary rules such as the duty to prevent transboundary harm, human rights law, the law of the sea, or the law of State responsibility. The document asserts that these obligations apply concurrently and that compliance with climate treaties alone does not discharge a State's broader duties under international law, particularly regarding human rights and the protection of the marine environment.

The document asserts that international law provides no basis to restrict State climate obligations to present generations. It argues that the rights of future generations are rooted in the UN Charter, various international environmental agreements, and the jurisprudence of the ICJ and other international bodies. The submission emphasizes that the principles of prevention and precaution require States to act now to avoid irreversible climate harm and warns against relying on speculative future technologies to meet mitigation targets. It includes the Maastricht Principles on the Human Rights of Future Generations, which provide a framework for the obligations of States and non-State actors to ensure intergenerational justice.

The author contends that the European People's Party (EPP) is actively undermining the European Green Deal and the Nature Restoration Law, moving away from its centrist roots toward a national-conservative ideology. This shift is framed as a strategic attempt to compete with far-right parties, which the author suggests strengthens those movements. The text highlights the precarious position of the Greens, who must now defend moderate policies they previously found insufficiently ambitious, and concludes that the 2024 elections are critical for determining whether the EU continues toward a climate-neutral future.

The UK has adopted a heavily regulated asset base (RAB) model for its CO2 transport and storage (T&S) infrastructure to mitigate 'cross-chain risks' and attract investment. Under the Transport and Storage Regulatory Investment (TRI) model, private Transport and Storage Companies (T&SCo) operate networks under licenses from Ofgem, with revenues derived from user tariffs and supported by a Revenue Support Agreement (RSA) and a Government Support Package (GSP) for high-impact risks. This contrasts with the Netherlands and Denmark, where infrastructure is more commercially driven or involves direct state equity stakes in storage. The UK intends to transition toward a more competitive market for storage after 2035, while onshore transport is expected to remain regulated.

This report by Ember analyzes the alignment between the ten-year grid development plans of European Transmission System Operators (TSOs) and national energy policy targets for 2030. It highlights a risk that transmission grids may become physical barriers to the energy transition if infrastructure planning is based on under-ambitious renewable energy scenarios.

The report finds that many European national transmission grid plans are based on under-ambitious energy scenarios that lag behind current policy targets and market trends, particularly for solar power. This misalignment risks creating grid bottlenecks that could hinder the deployment of renewables by 2030. While there is a trend toward increasing grid expansion and the adoption of 'non-wire solutions' to alleviate congestion, the report argues that political prioritization and regulatory reform are needed to ensure infrastructure keeps pace with the accelerating energy transition.

The report emphasizes that while many OECD countries have integrated environmental goals into procurement, monitoring systems to track tangible impacts on greenhouse gas emissions are often neglected. Using examples from South Korea, Japan, Slovenia, Denmark, Malaysia, and the Netherlands, it identifies that successful monitoring requires strong government support and collaboration, though it is hindered by data gaps and tool complexity. The report recommends establishing legal mandates for monitoring, improving data management, and investing in staff capacity to ensure public procurement drives climate goals.

The report examines how governments can monitor green public procurement (GPP) to track progress toward climate goals. It categorizes monitoring into institutionalization, outputs, and outcomes, while detailing specific tools for measuring CO2 impacts. Through case studies of South Korea, Japan, Slovenia, Denmark, Malaysia, and the Netherlands, it identifies key success factors such as strong legal mandates and e-procurement integration. It also highlights significant barriers, including data insufficiency, decentralized procurement structures, and a lack of specialized technical skills. The document concludes with recommendations for governments to define clear targets, mandate monitoring through policy, and strengthen data management systems.

The PEN 2022-2052 is a long-term planning exercise by Colombia's UPME to transition the national energy matrix toward sustainability and decarbonization. It analyzes five scenarios—Actualization, Modernization, Inflexion, Innovation, and Energy Transition—ranging from conservative technological updates to ambitious transformations. Key focus areas include the electrification of transport, the integration of non-conventional renewable energy sources (FNCER), the development of a hydrogen economy, and the potential introduction of Small Modular Reactors (SMR). The report emphasizes that while Colombia has the capacity for carbon neutrality, current trajectories may not meet the 2030 NDC goal of a 51% emission reduction without accelerated implementation of efficiency and substitution measures.

The statement by Friends of the Earth International criticizes the proposed EU-Mercosur trade agreement, highlighting its potential to accelerate deforestation and climate change while undermining small-scale farmers in both Europe and Latin America. It calls for a shift toward a people-centered trade model that prioritizes social rights and environmental sustainability over corporate profit, especially in light of the rise of climate-denying leadership in Argentina.

Friends of the Earth International opposes the EU-Mercosur trade agreement, asserting that it would accelerate deforestation and climate change while undermining small-scale farmers in Europe and Latin America. The statement highlights protests from European farmers and social movements in Latin America, and warns that the current administration in Argentina, led by climate-denier Javier Milei, further invalidates the agreement's sustainability claims. It calls for a shift in international trade policy toward a model centered on people's sovereignty, food security, and environmental protection.

Reclaim Finance criticizes Engie for paying record dividends of 4.1 billion euros in 2023 while continuing to expand its fossil gas infrastructure, including LNG imports and new power plants in the Netherlands, Belgium, and Chile.