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The report documents systemic corruption within the South African apartheid state from 1976 to 1994, arguing that the regime's secrecy and authoritarianism facilitated large-scale theft and fraud. It details the use of secret funds, sanctions-busting, and the role of the Broederbond in creating a network of patronage. Key cases include the 'Muldergate' information scandal, the illicit ivory trade by the SADF, and massive foreign exchange fraud. The document concludes that this legacy of corruption persisted beyond 1994 and recommends state-led investigations to recover stolen assets and achieve justice.

The report examines services trade in the SADC region, focusing on core infrastructure (transport, energy, telecommunications, and finance), tourism, and the movement of natural persons (Mode 4). It argues that inadequacies in these services constrain economic growth and international competitiveness. While regional cooperation exists through various protocols, the report finds that actual liberalisation is slow, often hampered by state monopolies, inadequate regulatory frameworks, and restrictive immigration policies. It recommends increasing private sector participation, harmonising regional policies, and ratifying the Protocol on the Facilitation of the Movement of Persons to enhance regional integration and economic development.

This 2006 report by the South African Institute of International Affairs examines the economic relationships between India, Brazil, and South Africa. Based on interviews with 30 South African companies and government officials, it identifies significant non-tariff barriers, high business costs, and a lack of awareness among the private sector regarding the IBSA initiative. While it notes growth in bilateral trade—such as the 2004 SACU-Mercosur preferential trade agreement—it highlights that many South African firms perceive IBSA as a political rather than an economic project. The report recommends reducing customs duties, improving infrastructure, and involving the business sector more deeply in the formulation of trade agreements.

The report examines South Africa's role as an economic hegemon in Southern Africa, analyzing how its global trade agenda and corporate expansion affect SADC integration. It finds that while South African FDI often provides developmental benefits like job creation and infrastructure, the country's pursuit of bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) with non-SADC partners may undermine regional producers. Quantitative analysis suggests that SADC trade liberalization has led to significant trade diversion, where imports from SADC partners replace more efficient global sources, resulting in a net welfare loss for South African consumers. The report also highlights restrictive rules of origin and infrastructure deficits as major barriers to meaningful regional trade expansion.

This research paper investigates the impact of democracy measurement on the 'democratic peace' proposition, which posits that democracies rarely go to war with one another. The author compares the widely used Polity dataset with Vanhanen's Polyarchy dataset, which uses a simpler index based on electoral competition and participation. Through bivariate and multivariate analyses of conflict data from 1816 to 2002, the study finds that the choice of indicator does matter; specifically, electoral competition appears to be a stronger predictor of peace than the aggregated democracy scores. The author concludes that while different measures often correlate, they are not interchangeable and can lead to different inferences about the causes of international peace.

The document lists the signature, ratification, and deposit dates for 53 African entities regarding the AU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism. As of 23 June 2006, 48 countries had signed the convention, while 36 had completed ratification or accession and deposited their instruments.

The document examines the proposed preferential trade agreement (PTA) between the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) and India, intended for conclusion by the end of 2006. It details the economic rationale, including the desire to reduce protectionist barriers and expand South-South trade, and outlines the likely negotiating positions of both parties. Key areas of interest include India's offensive push in IT services and textiles, and SACU's interests in financial services and automotive exports. The briefing also identifies challenges such as the 'perception gap' between business sectors, the need for coordination within the IBSA framework, and the risk that bilateral deals may detract from multilateral WTO goals.

EU Commissioner Peter Mandelson outlines the trade relationship between the EU and South Africa, noting a 46% increase in South African exports since 2000. He calls for a 'big agenda' to expand trade into services, investment, and procurement, while urging South Africa to submit a services offer in the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) and lead other developing nations in reducing South-South trade barriers.

The document examines the 'political architecture' of liberal peacebuilding, which seeks to establish liberal market democracies in post-conflict states. It argues that while this approach is dominant in international politics, it faces significant legitimacy challenges. Communitarians argue it imposes external Western values over local cultures; critical theorists contend it reinforces a hegemonic and unjust global order; and postmodernists critique its reliance on technocratic 'social engineering.' The author proposes alternative frameworks, such as 'building the capacity for peaceful self-governance' and 'dialogic peacebuilding,' to reconcile liberal ideals with local autonomy and global justice.

The report finds that while a free trade agreement (FTA) could provide some duty-free access for products like peaches, manganese, wool, and animal hair, the most significant benefits would likely come from relaxing rules of origin for textiles and clothing and restricting US anti-dumping duties on iron and steel. It notes that a high proportion of SACU exports already face zero Most-Favoured Nation (MFN) tariffs, and many available preferences under AGOA are under-utilised due to rules of origin or lack of importer awareness. The report emphasizes the need for SACU to diversify exports beyond apparel, especially following the end of the Multifibre Arrangement (MFA) quotas in 2004.

The research paper examines the Red Door initiative, an $18 million training programme in the Western Cape, South Africa, designed to support micro-entrepreneurs. It argues that the project prioritises political 'puffery' and input metrics—such as the number of visitors—over actual outcomes and sustainable job creation. Critics and managers suggest the current training is too rudimentary and lacks the mentorship and practical experience necessary to help entrepreneurs successfully win tenders or scale their businesses.

The research argues that EU-mandated reciprocity in EPAs risks splintering SADC by creating divergent trade policies among member states. Analysis shows that products the non-South African members of SACU (Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland) would likely wish to exclude from liberalisation are already being liberalised under the TDCA, potentially undermining their ability to set autonomous trade schedules. The authors suggest that expanding SACU, possibly to include Mozambique, could serve as a mechanism to neutralise the anti-regionalism bias of EPAs.

The document examines the transition from authoritarianism to liberal democracy in the SADC region, arguing that while multiparty elections are essential, they do not alone constitute democracy. It critiques the 2004 SADC Principles and Guidelines for being more focused on election observation than management and for lacking legal binding force. The author highlights the failure of SADC to effectively monitor pre-election conditions in Zimbabwe in 2005, attributing this to a combination of Zimbabwean government reluctance and SADC's 'quiet diplomacy'.

The document provides a military history of the Angolan Armed Forces (FAA), detailing its origins in the struggle against Portuguese colonialism and the subsequent civil war. It examines the integration of the military wings of the MPLA, FNLA, and UNITA, the role of foreign interventions from the Soviet Union, Cuba, the US, and South Africa, and the transition of the FAA into a peacetime state institution.

The document examines the difficulties the SADC-EPA group faces due to member states belonging to multiple regional trade arrangements, such as SACU, COMESA, and the EAC. It highlights a critical tension for the BLNS countries (Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland), who are constrained by South Africa's existing TDCA with the EU, and the MAT countries (Mozambique, Angola, and Tanzania), who face limited bargaining power as Least Developed Countries (LDCs). The author argues that the goal of a SADC Customs Union by 2010 is unrealistic due to these overlapping memberships and suggests that the SADC-EPA group must present two distinct market access offers to the EU to accommodate these different national and regional constraints.

The SADC Organ, established in 1996 and formalised in 2001, aims to maintain peace and security in Southern Africa through tools like the Protocol on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation, the Strategic Indicative Plan for the Organ (SIPO), and the Mutual Defence Pact. However, it faces significant operational hurdles, including a severe lack of human resource capacity at the SADC Secretariat, which employs only two staff members for security issues compared to 40 at ECOWAS. The Organ must also balance the desire for regional collaboration with the strict maintenance of state sovereignty. Socio-economic crises, particularly the HIV/AIDS pandemic, further strain regional peacekeeping and security capabilities. While the region demonstrates strong political solidarity, its effectiveness is hampered by uneven GDP distribution and a reliance on external donors, whose funding is sometimes conditional on political alignment.

The report details a three-day workshop in Kinshasa involving the DRC Ministry of Defence and a SADC delegation. The proceedings focused on the challenges of military integration in the DRC, including the need for a national defence policy, the role of political will, and the management of personnel. SADC representatives from South Africa, Namibia, Zimbabwe, and Mozambique shared their specific post-conflict reintegration experiences. The document concludes that while regional experiences provide reference points, the DRC faces significant hurdles such as parallel command structures, lack of a formal defence policy, and interference from politicians.

The document evaluates the SADC's integration efforts, highlighting the strategic entry of Madagascar under President Marc Ravalomanana and the exits of Seychelles and Tanzania (from Comesa). It analyzes how external partners like the EU, US, and China both facilitate and hinder regional cohesion. Finally, it reviews the ratification status of 34 legal instruments, arguing for a 'single undertaking' approach to ensure uniform implementation across member states.

The document examines the 'entangling crisis' of food insecurity and HIV/AIDS in Southern Africa. It argues that while environmental triggers like drought cause immediate shortages, the severity of these crises is rooted in structural issues, including the removal of agricultural subsidies, the impact of EU agricultural dumping, and the depletion of agricultural labour due to the HIV/AIDS pandemic. The report calls for a shift from reactive food aid to integrated long-term agricultural investment and improved governance to build community resilience.

The report examines the record of public-private partnerships (PPPs) in Africa, arguing that while they can address infrastructure backlogs, they are not a 'magic bullet' and are prone to the same failures as privatisation, including corruption and high consumer costs. Through eight case studies in transport, prisons, telecommunications, water, power, and eco-tourism, the document highlights that success depends on thorough feasibility studies, strong political commitment, and effective regulatory frameworks. Key failures are attributed to a lack of transparency, poor risk management, and unrealistic design specifications. The report recommends that African governments build institutional capacity, implement integrity pacts to combat graft, and adopt a phased approach by starting with smaller projects.