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The report argues that the expansion of agrofuels in Africa, driven largely by European Union mandates, leads to 'neo-colonialism' where land is acquired by foreign companies and governments. This process results in the displacement of local farmers, increased food insecurity, and significant ecological damage, including deforestation and water scarcity. The document highlights the 'myth of marginal lands,' asserting that land claimed as unused is often vital for communal survival. It recommends halting land acquisitions, prioritizing food sovereignty, and ensuring the free, prior, and informed consent of local communities.

The report argues that the 2006–2008 global food crisis was a spike in a long-term trend of food insecurity in Southern Africa. It highlights the Comprehensive African Agricultural Development Program (CAADP) as the primary framework for coordinated regional responses, emphasizing long-term structural improvements over short-term reactionary measures. The analysis covers specific SADC and COMESA initiatives, the role of strategic grain reserves, and the impact of international trade subsidies on African agricultural productivity.

The policy brief evaluates the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a governance monitoring tool designed to foster political stability and sustainable development in Africa. The author identifies ten reasons for optimism, noting that 29 African countries have voluntarily joined the process and that the mechanism has accelerated its pace of reviews over time. While the author acknowledges that the system struggles to hold heads of state accountable for specific crises, the APRM has produced comprehensive reports that identify systemic weaknesses and has led to tangible governance gains in countries like Ghana, Rwanda, and Kenya. The brief concludes that the APRM empowers citizens through participatory assessment and promotes peer learning among states, though it requires more transparent leadership and better documentation of successes to maintain momentum.

The report traces the conceptual shift of sexual violence in conflict, moving from the 'lootpillageandrape' nexus of early 20th-century wars to the systematic 'rape camps' of the 1990s. It examines the role of the Bosnian and Rwandan genocides in establishing rape as a weapon of war and a crime against humanity. The document analyzes three theoretical frameworks—essentialism, structuralism, and social constructionism—to explain the motivations of perpetrators and the targeting of victims. It further details the development of international legal mechanisms, including the ICTY, ICTR, and the ICC, and the impact of UN Security Council Resolutions 1325, 1820, and 1888 on the protection of women and the institutionalization of gender units in peacekeeping missions.

The document provides a comprehensive review of India's involvement in UN peacekeeping missions in Africa, from the 1960 Congo crisis to missions in the 21st century. It identifies a shift in India's motivations from Cold War-era non-alignment and anti-colonial solidarity toward a strategic desire for global recognition and a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. The author details specific missions in countries such as Angola, Somalia, and Sierra Leone, highlighting both the humanitarian successes and the operational failures or controversies encountered. It concludes that India is likely to adopt a more cost-effective, case-by-case approach to future African peacekeeping to better serve its national interests.

The document reports on a February 2010 roundtable discussing the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It highlights the mechanism's success in attracting 30 member states and producing 12 comprehensive Country Review Reports (CRRs) that diagnose governance failures. However, it identifies critical weaknesses, including a 'crisis of leadership', insufficient funding, and a lack of systematic implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). The discussion emphasizes the need for greater transparency in the Panel of Eminent Persons and more robust civil society engagement to ensure the APRM's long-term credibility and impact.

The document details Lesotho's journey through the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), from its 2004 accession to its 2009 heads of state review. It highlights the role of the Mixed-Member Proportional (MMP) electoral system in stabilizing the country's politics and identifies critical socio-economic challenges, including high unemployment, poverty, and dependence on South Africa. The discussion emphasizes the importance of civil society and media involvement in ensuring transparency, while noting that the APRM's primary value at this stage is 'soft'—creating space for communication and consensus on national goals rather than immediate quantifiable outcomes.

The document analyzes the shift in African investment patterns as BRIC nations (Brazil, Russia, India, and China) increase their presence on the continent. While this trend boosts overall African economic growth and infrastructure, it creates new challenges for South African companies, including increased competition in resources and construction, and the risk of being undercut by state-subsidized Chinese firms. However, the author identifies opportunities for South Africa to leverage its local expertise through strategic partnerships with these new investors.

The report examines the hydrological constraints and governance regimes of transboundary river basins in the SADC region, arguing that while water is not a primary driver of conflict, robust institutional frameworks and policy harmonisation are essential for economic growth. It highlights the role of the SADC Water Protocol and the evolution of basin-specific regimes, proposing 'Parallel National Action' as a mechanism to align national policies without eroding state sovereignty.

The document examines the complex relationship between protected areas and conflict, noting that conservation efforts can either fuel social tensions or be exploited by military groups. It specifically analyzes transboundary protected areas (TBPAs), which are often established in conflict-prone regions with the intent of promoting peace, but may introduce complexities related to national sovereignty and border inequities. The authors propose the use of Peace and Conflict Impact Assessments (PCIAs)—tools derived from the humanitarian sector—to systematically evaluate how conservation interventions affect local and regional peace dynamics. The paper concludes that because TBPAs are often self-described as peacebuilding projects, they require rigorous, ground-tested measurement tools like PCIAs to ensure they 'do no harm' and actually support stability.

The report examines South Africa's energy security, highlighting a critical over-reliance on coal-fired power generated by the state utility Eskom. It argues that this dependency creates a conflict with the country's climate mitigation goals and international commitments. The author identifies structural and institutional barriers—specifically Eskom's market dominance and a lack of coordinated government policy—that hinder the adoption of renewable energy. The report suggests that South Africa must shift from a 'business as usual' fossil-fuel path toward a 'business unusual' approach, leveraging regional hydroelectric and gas potential within the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) to ensure a sustainable and secure energy future.

Mozambique possesses significant hydropower, natural gas, and coal potential, yet over 80% of its population lacks grid connectivity, relying instead on traditional biomass. The report details the country's transition from a centralized socialist economy to a liberalized market, highlighting the role of the 1997 Electricity Act in opening the sector to private investment. It examines the functions of key entities like Electricidade de Moçambique (EDM) and the National Energy Fund (FUNAE), while outlining strategic goals to increase electrification rates to 20% by 2020 and leverage regional power demand through the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP).

The report examines energy security in Southern Africa, focusing on the need to expand electricity generation capacity and diversify away from coal. It identifies the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) as a key mechanism for regional cooperation to exploit vast hydropower potential in countries like the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Mozambique. However, the report notes that urgent short-term power shortages often lead countries, especially South Africa, to rely on quicker, coal-fired solutions, creating a 'lock-in' effect. It argues that for SAPP to succeed, the region must overcome significant regulatory risks, high upfront capital costs for hydropower, and a lack of cost-reflective pricing in national utilities.

The document provides a comprehensive overview of social accountability in Africa, defining it as a framework for citizens to demand and enforce accountability from power-holders. It combines a broad analysis of public attitudes via Afrobarometer data with specific case studies from South Africa, Kenya, Uganda, Malawi, Mozambique, and Madagascar. The text examines various tools—such as the Local Governance Barometer, budget monitoring, and the African Peer Review Mechanism—and highlights the critical role of political will, media engagement, and the necessity of an enabling legal environment for these initiatives to succeed.

The document outlines the UNDP's strategy to integrate climate change adaptation into national development priorities, emphasizing the need to move beyond technical climate modeling toward strengthening political leadership, financial management, and accountability systems. It identifies four primary barriers to effective national decision-making: sporadic political commitment, fragmented technical knowledge, limited institutional capacity for direct fund access, and weak reporting systems. To address these, the UNDP implements initiatives such as the Africa Adaptation Programme and the Adaptation Learning Mechanism, while promoting the use of National Multi-Donor Climate Funds to shift from agency-led to nationally-led financial management.

The document examines how national governments can engage the private sector to support climate adaptation, noting that business participation depends on a strong business case. It suggests that governments must move beyond treating the private sector as a homogenous unit and instead target specific actors—such as small and medium enterprises or specialized solution providers—whose interests align with public goods. While 'win-win' scenarios exist in sectors like water purification and agriculture, the paper warns of 'negative alignment' where private investments can lead to land grabbing or the displacement of local populations. It recommends a policy mix of incentives, procurement contracts, and collaboration with civil society to ensure private actions support rather than undermine community resilience.

The RANET project in Zambia has implemented a community-based approach to climate monitoring by providing rain gauges to 3,050 rural residents. To ensure this information is useful for adaptation, the project utilizes a multi-channel dissemination strategy including SMS messaging, satellite-based systems like Chatty Beetle, and community FM radio stations that translate data into local languages. The author argues that timely, accurate climate information is a 'perishable commodity' essential for reducing the vulnerability of peasant farmers who depend on rain for crop production.

The seminar, co-organized by the Institute for Security Studies and the Ethiopian International Institute for Peace and Development, highlighted Africa's vulnerability to climate change and the necessity of a united African position for the Copenhagen talks. Key discussions centered on the EU's commitment to a 30% emission reduction by 2020 and a pledge of 100 billion Euros for developing countries, as well as the need for technology transfer and financial compensation for Africa. The event also detailed the institutional framework of the African Union's common position, including the role of a ten-country committee headed by Ethiopia's Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.

The policy brief examines how Brazil's success in bioethanol production can be leveraged through the IBSA Forum to support biofuel development in South Africa and Africa. It identifies key barriers in South Africa, including a lack of a coherent national strategy and concerns over food security and land reform. The authors recommend that South Africa develop a balanced biofuel strategy, pursue collaborative R&D on second-generation biofuels, and create specific investment incentives to attract Brazilian expertise and capital.

The research finds that large youth cohorts significantly increase the risk of political violence primarily in societies with low male secondary education levels. This effect is most pronounced in low and middle-income countries, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. The study supports the 'opportunity cost' hypothesis, suggesting that higher education reduces the incentive for young men to join rebel organizations. Conversely, it finds no evidence that rapid educational expansion or low progression ratios between education levels increase conflict risk.