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The report evaluates the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and its impact on the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) and developing nations. It finds that a significant portion of CDM projects lack additionality, leading to global emission increases and reduced domestic abatement in Europe. The authors argue that the CDM has failed to facilitate meaningful technology transfer or support a systemic shift to low-carbon development in host countries, often subsidizing carbon-intensive activities instead. To address these failures, the report proposes supply-side restrictions on project eligibility and demand-side reforms in the EU, such as auctioning the right to use CERs, to ensure the mechanism serves as a transitional tool rather than a permanent subsidy regime.

The report finds that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) has largely failed to meet its core objectives of additionality, sustainable development, and low-carbon technology transfer. In the EU, the use of CDM credits has significantly reduced domestic abatement efforts, potentially increasing global emissions by 30 to 106 million tonnes of CO2eq between 2008 and 2009 due to non-additional projects. The authors argue that the CDM often subsidizes carbon-intensive activities and creates perverse incentives that discourage developing countries from implementing national mitigation policies. To realign results with climate goals, the report proposes limiting project eligibility to those providing long-term sustainable benefits, differentiating crediting periods by project type, and introducing tradable or institutionally procured usage rights within the EU ETS.

The document details California's efforts to reduce greenhouse gas emissions to 1990 levels by 2020 under the Global Warming Solutions Act of 2006 (AB32). It outlines a cap-and-trade program scheduled for January 2012, alongside 'early action' measures such as the Low Carbon Fuel Standard and landfill methane capture. The briefing also highlights California's leadership in the Western Climate Initiative and the political support for these measures following the defeat of Proposition 23 in November 2010.

The document analyzes the transition from project-based mechanisms like the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) to sectoral-scale mechanisms. It evaluates three governance models for a Sectoral Crediting Mechanism (SCM): centralized (UN-led), hybrid (bilateral with UN minimum standards), and decentralized (independent of the UN). The authors argue that while decentralized models offer flexibility, they risk undermining environmental integrity and market credibility. The paper proposes a centralized SCM project cycle that improves upon the CDM by introducing more interactive baseline reviews, professionalizing the regulatory body, and utilizing biennial update reports for better verification.

The document reports that only 40% of the original tropical dry forests in the Americas remain, with only 4.5% (23,417 km2) under protection. Satellite data from 1982 to 2006 shows divergent productivity trends: increases in the Llanos of Venezuela and Colombia, northern Mexico, and the Chaqueña region of Argentina and Bolivia, but decreases in other parts of Mexico and the Brazilian Caatinga. These shifts are linked to global warming's impact on precipitation and humidity. The text warns that declining productivity reduces carbon storage and water retention, while increased productivity may inadvertently encourage further deforestation and agricultural intensification. It advocates for expanded protection, sustainable land management, and economic incentives like payments for environmental services and REDD+ to preserve biodiversity and ecosystem services.

The document highlights the risk of aquifer over-exploitation in Mexico, where agriculture uses over two-thirds of the approximately 29 km3 of groundwater pumped annually. It argues that because groundwater and surface water use varies significantly at the municipality level, management interventions must be tailored to this scale. The text identifies three types of municipal clusters: red areas where high groundwater use by both the municipality and its neighbors necessitates demand management; green areas with low pressure on resources; and yellow/orange areas where differences in water use between neighbors allow for potential transfers or allocation adjustments.

The document highlights the critical need for municipal-level data in managing Mexico's water resources, particularly in arid and semi-arid northern regions where commercial agriculture relies heavily on groundwater. It notes that Mexico uses 29 km3 of groundwater annually, with over two-thirds dedicated to agriculture. The text explains that while the National Water Commission (CONAGUA) manages resources at the larger scale of river basins and aquifers, municipal-scale analysis reveals significant variations in exploitation levels. This granularity allows policymakers to distinguish between areas where demand must be reduced and areas where water can be reallocated or substituted between surface and groundwater sources to prevent irreversible aquifer degradation and ensure intergenerational equity.

The report analyzes Belgium's 2002 Model BIT, finding that it follows a traditional European model that prioritizes extensive investor protection over host-state regulatory autonomy. It highlights significant risks in the treaty's broad definitions of 'investment' and 'investor', the lack of transparency in investor-state dispute settlement, and the aspirational nature of its environmental and labour clauses. The author argues that Belgium needs to modernize its model to safeguard its right to regulate and to ensure that investment treaties support sustainable development.

The document analyzes the Fair and Equitable Treatment (FET) clauses in 68 Indian International Investment Agreements (IIAs). It finds that 66 of these agreements include FET obligations, though most fail to define the normative content of the term, leaving interpretation to arbitral tribunals. The author categorizes these provisions into model-IIA, modified-model IIA, and content-indicative types, noting that only a small minority link FET to the customary international law minimum standard of treatment.

The document argues that investment treaty arbitration is a high-stakes gamble for developing states because the system is structurally biased toward investors. While states may successfully defend claims on the merits, they rarely recover the substantial costs of arbitration, which often amount to several million dollars. The author highlights a disparity in cost allocation: successful investors are more likely to have their costs covered by the state than successful states are to recover costs from investors. This risk is further exacerbated for states because they cannot utilize 'no win no fee' arrangements or third-party financing, as they have no damages to claim.

The document analyzes the growth and modification of International Investment Agreements (IIAs), noting a trend toward more precise treaty language to preserve state regulatory space, particularly regarding environmental and labor standards. It also details the rise in investor-State disputes, highlighting that while states and investors have similar win rates in concluded cases, the financial stakes and costs of defense are increasing, with developing countries frequently appearing as respondents.

The document details a workshop held at the Stockholm Resilience Centre involving approximately 35 participants. It examines social learning across four primary domains: natural resource management, climate change adaptation, social learning platforms, and the intersection of education and society. The proceedings highlight the definitional complexity of 'social learning', the influence of power dynamics, and the challenges of measuring learning outcomes in time-bound participatory projects. Key discussions emphasize the need for multi-level learning to build adaptive capacity in social-ecological systems and the role of 'shadow spaces' in facilitating international governance.

The report analyzes the BASIC group's role in global climate diplomacy, arguing that while they appear as a unified bloc, their cooperation is conditioned by diverse domestic priorities and broader geopolitical ambitions. It examines the specific drivers for Brazil, South Africa, India, and China, and explores how the group balances its identity as developing nations with its rising global influence.

The report criticizes the Copenhagen Accord for promoting private finance and market mechanisms over binding public commitments. It highlights how investment banks like Barclays and Santander, and companies like Shell and Lafarge, use carbon trading and REDD projects to generate profit or 'greenwash' their images. The authors advocate for a transition to climate justice, proposing a 'Robin Hood Tax' on financial transactions and the replacement of REDD with UN-wide negotiations to stop deforestation.

The document criticizes the 'Copenhagen Accord' for shifting the burden of climate action to developing nations and promoting private finance over public obligations. It highlights how global banks like Barclays and Santander, and corporations like Shell and Lafarge, use carbon markets and REDD projects for 'greenwashing' and profit. The report concludes that climate finance should be mandatory, public, and managed by the UN to ensure it serves the most vulnerable populations rather than corporate interests.

The report examines the intersection of ecosystem management, poverty reduction, and climate adaptation in Belize, focusing on the vulnerability of its coastal zone. It identifies key drivers of change—population patterns, socio-economic development, and climate change—and uses scenario building to project outcomes by 2050. The study assesses Belize's current governance baseline across four clusters (institutions, policies, regulations, and capacity), finding that while sectoral policies are progressing, enforcement and integrated capacity remain weak. It proposes a transition toward stronger, more centralized governance and integrated cross-sectoral planning to enhance national resilience.

The Clean Technology Fund (CTF), administered by the World Bank and Regional Development Banks, aims to use concessional finance to achieve transformative long-term reductions in greenhouse gas emissions in fast-growing developing countries. As of March 2010, approximately US$4.35 billion of the US$4.405 billion pledged had been earmarked for investment plans across 12 countries and a solar program in North Africa, with US$888 million approved for 15 projects in 8 countries. The document emphasizes the need for greater focus on governance, policy, and regulatory issues during project implementation.

The document outlines the positions of a broad coalition of environmental and health NGOs on the European Commission's proposed definition of nanomaterials. While welcoming the initiative to establish a regulatory framework, the signatories argue for a broader size range (0.3 to 300 nm) than the proposed 1-100 nm to ensure that potentially hazardous materials are not excluded from scrutiny. They specifically support basing size distribution on particle numbers and the inclusion of aggregates, agglomerates, and materials smaller than 1 nm, such as fullerenes.

The report critiques carbon trading as a 'risky, irresponsible and dangerous' tool that diverts attention from viable solutions. It proposes a comprehensive package of alternatives: investing US$100 billion annually in renewable energy feed-in tariffs, transitioning to small-scale sustainable agriculture, protecting forests by addressing drivers like agrofuels, and implementing international industrial standards for the 'best available technologies'. For climate finance, it suggests a combination of a global financial transaction tax, combating tax evasion, redirecting fossil fuel subsidies, issuing Special Drawing Rights, and implementing carbon and energy taxes, which could collectively provide at least US$420 billion annually for developing nations.

The document critiques carbon trading as a 'dangerous obsession' that allows developed nations to avoid domestic emission reductions and fails to provide predictable financing for developing countries. It proposes a transition to a low-carbon economy through a 'Just Transition' framework, emphasizing the historical responsibility of rich nations. Key mitigation alternatives include a global feed-in tariff program for renewables, sustainable small-scale agriculture, and the adoption of 'Best Available Techniques' in industry. For financing, the report suggests a combination of a global financial transaction tax, combating tax evasion, redirecting fossil fuel subsidies, and issuing new Special Drawing Rights, estimating a potential for US$420 billion in annual new climate finance.