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The second Africa South America Summit, held on Margarita Island, Venezuela, aimed to strengthen South-South cooperation as a counterweight to Northern influence. Key outcomes included the formalization of the Bank of the South to reduce reliance on the World Bank and IMF, the establishment of a Radio of the South, and joint mining ventures between Venezuela and several African nations. While Brazil reported a significant increase in bilateral trade from $6 billion in 2003 to over $36 billion by 2009, the summit was marked by ideological divisions, with some leaders pursuing a radical anti-imperialist agenda while others, including South Africa and Brazil, adopted a more nuanced approach to international relations.

The document analyzes the conflict dynamics of the Tuareg in North Africa and the Sahel, arguing that the violence is rooted in the loss of traditional livelihood resources and systemic political exclusion. It examines how post-independence land reforms, severe droughts in the 1970s and 1980s, and the industrial exploitation of uranium and gold have marginalized the Tuareg. The paper details the specific trajectories of conflict in Mali and Niger, the assimilation policies in Algeria, and the destabilizing role of Libya. It concludes that peace requires a comprehensive approach addressing the root causes of poverty and resource inequality rather than treating the Tuareg as terrorists.

The document assesses the role of human rights in African international relations, arguing that while the continent has established significant monitoring bodies and ratified treaties, human rights often remain a "variable concern" subordinated to national interests and geopolitical strategies. It highlights the influence of "African solutions to African problems" in conflict resolution and the impact of China's non-interference policy as an alternative to Western conditionality. The author concludes that for human rights to be central to foreign policy, African states must develop a unified continental approach that harmonizes trade, security, and justice while adhering to agreed-upon democratic standards.

The document examines how human rights are integrated into African international relations, noting a gap between formal commitments to regional and international treaties and the practical application of these norms. It highlights how national interests, historical colonial ties, and the emergence of non-conditional economic partnerships—particularly with China—often supersede human rights considerations. The author analyzes specific cases, such as the African Union's response to the ICC warrant for Omar Al-Bashir and South Africa's diplomatic balancing act, to argue that human rights often remain a "variable concern" rather than a central pillar of foreign policy.

The report analyzes Ghana's 2008 elections as a landmark in its democratic transition, attributing the peaceful power alternation to the commitment of political actors, an independent electoral commission, and active civil society. While highlighting the shift toward a two-party system dominated by the NPP and NDC, the author notes persistent challenges including ethnic-regional voting patterns, the under-representation of women, and the potential risks associated with the discovery of oil.

The author analyzes President Obama's 2009 speech in Ghana, noting a transition from viewing Africa instrumentally through the 'war on terror' to seeing its development as intrinsic to global security. The new policy rests on four pillars: democracy and good governance, smart development assistance, public health, and conflict reduction. However, the author argues that the US's influence has diminished due to the Iraq war and the domestic financial crisis, allowing China, the EU, Russia, India, and Brazil to offer more programmatic or comprehensive partnerships. The document suggests that African nations, such as Ghana, can benefit from this competition by diversifying their partnerships across different global powers to meet specific national needs.

The briefing argues that Andry Rajoelina's ascent to power in Madagascar in March 2009 was an "unconstitutional change of government" because it bypassed electoral processes and violated constitutional age requirements and succession rules. It notes that the military's role in declaring Rajoelina president overrode President Marc Ravalomanana's suggestion of a military directorate. The document suggests that Rajoelina may have been inspired by Ravalomanana's own 2002 seizure of power. It attributes the failure of mediation to a lack of coordination among numerous international and local actors, including the AU, SADC, and IOC, and warns that the political instability has adversely affected Madagascar's tourism sector.

The Pan-African Parliament (PAP), inaugurated in 2004, currently operates as a consultative and advisory body without legislative, supervisory, or budgetary powers. The document argues that the PAP's institutional weakness stems from the decision by African leaders in 1999 to accelerate its establishment, bypassing the gradual six-stage integration process outlined in the 1991 Abuja Treaty. This premature launch left the PAP without necessary foundations, resulting in a 'disconnection between reality and the expectation' of its contribution to the African Union (AU). Key challenges include poor interaction with other AU organs, a lack of control over its own budget, and a membership system based on nomination from national legislatures rather than direct election by citizens. While the PAP has conducted observer missions to regions such as Darfur, Mauritania, the DRC, and the Central African Republic, many of its resolutions are ignored by the AU executive. The author suggests that the PAP must exploit existing protocol provisions to enhance its visibility and engagement with AU organs to become a relevant institution.

The document identifies internal factors contributing to Mauritania's political crisis, including a lack of democratic political culture, ethnic marginalization, and corruption. External influences are attributed to transnational Islamist phenomena. Proposed solutions include the creation of a non-politicized army, an independent judiciary, and the inclusion of ethnic minorities in decision-making processes.

The document outlines how civil society organizations (CSOs) can move beyond the perception of parliaments as rubber-stamp bodies to actively influence policy. It emphasizes the importance of understanding electoral systems—noting that single-member districts often produce more independent legislators—and the necessity of providing non-partisan, evidence-based information to resource-constrained parliamentarians. The author advocates for building long-term relationships with 'champions' within the ruling party, maintaining organizational transparency to ensure credibility, and using media and public pressure to support legislative goals.

The briefing examines China's policy of offering duty-free treatment to 440 products from 30 African LDCs. While the scheme is tailored to existing export capacities, the author argues its economic impact is modest compared to its symbolic diplomatic value in signaling China's rise as a great power and alternative to Western donors.

The document analyzes the emergence of the 'pirogue route' from West Africa to the Canary Islands as a response to increased border security in the Strait of Gibraltar. Through fieldwork in Senegal, the author argues that migrants' decisions to undertake these perilous journeys are not based on misinformation, but are rationalized through a complex interplay of socio-economic vulnerability, cultural notions of manhood, religious beliefs regarding destiny, and a perception that remaining in Senegal constitutes a greater risk than the journey itself. The paper concludes that restrictive border measures, such as patrolling and repatriation, are often ineffective or counter-productive, as they may drive migrants toward even longer and more dangerous routes.

The report examines the intersection of fisheries access agreements and WTO subsidy law, arguing that while the agreements themselves are not subsidies, the onward transfer of access rights from a Distant Water Fishing Nation (DWFN) to its fleet can constitute a subsidy if the fleet does not pay adequate remuneration. It highlights the negative environmental and social impacts of subsidized distant-water fishing in developing nations and proposes several regulatory options for the WTO, including clarifying the definition of access-related subsidies, introducing transparency requirements, and establishing conditional exceptions for Small Island Developing States (SIDS).

The document examines the history of the Western Sahara conflict, focusing on the failure of multiple peace plans proposed by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations (UN). It details the divergent positions of Morocco, which seeks sovereignty or autonomy under its rule, and the Polisario Front, which demands a referendum on self-determination. The author argues that the 'winner-takes-all' nature of referendums and the strategic interests of external allies like Algeria, France, and the United States have contributed to a persistent diplomatic stalemate.

The report evaluates the EU's approach to combating the illicit trade of small arms and light weapons (SALW) and managing explosive remnants of war (ERW). It argues that while the EU has established a Small Arms Strategy and various funding instruments, there is a need for greater policy coherence, a formal extension of mine action assistance to include ERW, and a more comprehensive approach that links security and development. The document specifically examines the situation in North Africa, highlighting gaps in border management and the need for technical assistance in stockpile management and mine clearance.

The document lists the signature, ratification, and deposit dates for 53 African entities regarding the AU Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Terrorism. As of 23 June 2006, 48 countries had signed the convention, while 36 had completed ratification or accession and deposited their instruments.

The study finds that energy wealth, but not mineral wealth, increases the risk of civil war onset, provided a lower threshold of 25 annual battle deaths is used. The results provide evidence against the 'looting rebels' model, which predicts a non-linear relationship where very high resource wealth eventually deters rebellion, and instead tentatively support state capacity models suggesting that fossil fuel dependence weakens state institutions.

The report identifies five critically stressed ecosystem services in Mauritania: biodiversity maintenance, food and fibre provision, water supply and regulation, fuel provision, and carbon sequestration. These stresses directly impact human well-being, specifically the ability to be adequately nourished, access clean water, obtain energy for cooking and warmth, and earn a livelihood. The analysis highlights that while all regions are affected, Assaba, Gorgol, and Guidimaka are high-priority areas due to the combination of stressed services, threatened well-being, and higher population density. Key drivers of degradation include prolonged droughts, over-grazing, over-hunting, and poorly planned infrastructure like the Diama dam.

The report examines the experiences of South African companies operating in Mali, noting that while the country is a democratic success story with strong economic growth, significant practical barriers exist. South African investment is heavily concentrated in gold mining and energy, contributing substantially to Mali's GDP and state revenue. However, investors face challenges including a complex tax system, weak judicial infrastructure, poor transport logistics due to Mali's landlocked position, and a lack of skilled labour. The document recommends structural reforms in taxation, labour law, and infrastructure to attract more diversified foreign investment.

As of mid-2001, Africa hosted approximately 5 million refugees and 21 million internally displaced persons (IDPs). The report highlights that IDPs now outnumber refugees globally and that in Africa, 80% of refugees are hosted by least developed countries. Significant displacement is driven by conflict and drought, particularly in Sudan, Angola, and the DRC. Children under 18 make up 56% of all refugees in Africa, exceeding 60% in countries such as Angola, Togo, Guinea, Burundi, Rwanda, Sudan, and the DRC.