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The author contends that while Jeremy Corbyn's leadership restores left-wing politics to the UK Labour Party, it does not eclipse the Green Party. The author distinguishes between the 'left-right' political spectrum and the 'ecology spectrum,' arguing that Corbyn's support for coal-mining in South Wales and airport expansion in London demonstrates a commitment to 'outdated grey politics' and economic growth that contradicts ecological necessity. The text suggests that the Green Party's unique value lies in prioritizing planetary boundaries and land reform over the 'unreconstructed socialist industrial productivism' associated with Corbyn and certain trade unions.

The document details the struggle of the Focus E15 Mums, a group of young mothers in East London who faced eviction from a charity-run hostel due to government budget cuts. It describes their transition from a local fight against 'social cleansing' and forced relocation outside London to a broader national campaign for secure, affordable social housing. The text links their experience to a wider UK housing crisis characterized by the privatization of social housing since the 1980s, rising property prices, and the gentrification of areas like Stratford. It highlights the group's use of direct action, such as occupying empty homes on the Carpenters’ Estate, and the emergence of a wider housing movement demanding rent controls and an end to estate demolitions.

The report argues that social learning—learning embedded within social networks—is essential for developing the adaptive capacity required for community resilience. It distinguishes between single, double, and triple-loop learning, noting that deeper reflection is necessary for transformative change. Using case studies from the UK (floods and heatwaves) and Turkey (earthquakes), the document explores triggers for learning, such as the 'window of opportunity' following a disaster, and the role of 'mavens' or opinion leaders in diffusing knowledge. It highlights barriers including path dependence, power imbalances, and the risk of 'well-informed' individuals feeling a false sense of security. The report concludes that resilience should be viewed as a continuous process of 'bouncing forward' rather than a static end state.

The report addresses the 'crisis in remittances' caused by bank de-risking in the UK-Somalia corridor due to AML/CFT compliance concerns. It proposes a 'third mile' risk management framework centered on a Trusted Third Party (TTP) system and a biometric registration process for recipients in Somalia. The TTP would track transactions, audit Money Service Businesses (MSBs), and assign risk ratings to transactions to provide UK settlement banks with greater confidence in the legitimacy of the funds flow. The authors suggest a six-month pilot starting in early 2015 involving 500 customers across two Somali locations.

The author contends that the TTIP and CETA trade agreements allow corporations to bypass national courts and sue EU governments in the London Court of International Arbitration (LCIA) via the ISDS clause. The text highlights 2014 updates to LCIA rules that allegedly make it easier for corporations to sue taxpayers, limit the ability of governments to challenge arbitrator impartiality, and allow for corporate class action suits. The author warns that these mechanisms could be used to block environmental protections, such as bans on fracking, or prevent the reversal of public service privatisations, effectively placing corporate interests above democratic law.

The author contends that the exclusion of the Green Party from the 2015 UK televised election debates is an "attack on democracy," arguing that the party's electoral performance, membership growth, and policy positions justify its inclusion alongside other parties like UKIP and the Liberal Democrats.

The document advocates for an EU based on 'hospitality' and international solidarity, moving beyond trade agreements to ensure freedom of movement and access to services for all citizens. It highlights the challenges posed by austerity and the rise of xenophobic nationalism, while calling for a Common Asylum System and recognition of climate change's role in migration.

This document is a Question and Answer (Q&A) briefing issued by the Climate and Development Knowledge Network (CDKN) to clarify the terms of an Invitation to Tender (ITT) for project AAGL-0030a. It provides detailed guidance for potential bidders regarding the role of the 'Global Learning Partner', budget allocations for local partners, expectations for conference participation at the Resilient Cities Congress, and the internal review process for publications.

The document analyzes 350 years of British history to show that transitions to low-polluting energy sources are driven by an iterative process of public demand and government response. It argues that while industrialists often weaken initial legislation, sustained demand signals both governments and polluters to seek low-cost, low-pollution alternatives. The author suggests that the transition to a low carbon economy will likely follow a similarly protracted course, influenced by economic prosperity, shocking environmental events, and the availability of competitive low-carbon technologies.

The document analyzes the relationship between the demand for environmental quality, government legislation, and energy transitions. Using five historical British case studies—ranging from the 17th century to the late 20th century—it argues that while markets can drive transitions under specific conditions, effective shifts to low-polluting energy sources typically require strong, sustained public demand and creative pressure groups to ensure legislation is introduced, enforced, and maintained. The author concludes that the transition to a low-carbon economy will likely require similar conditions, as current demand for climate stability may not yet be powerful enough to overcome economic counter-lobbying and political reluctance.

The report analyzes transport-related emissions in Tallinn from 2000 to 2009, noting a significant increase in CO2e emissions driven primarily by private car usage. It evaluates various fiscal and regulatory measures to mitigate these impacts, with a specific focus on municipal service vehicles. The study finds that implementing eco-driving training for municipal fleets could reduce CO2e emissions by 1,330 to 2,660 tons annually and save between 0.5 and 1 million euros in fuel costs. Despite strategic goals for sustainable transport, the report concludes that Tallinn's actual progress is hindered by a continued focus on car-centric infrastructure.

The report outlines a pathway for Seattle to reach net zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. By implementing aggressive strategies across transportation, buildings, and waste, the city could reduce per capita core emissions by 91% relative to 2008 levels. Key drivers include a massive shift toward electric vehicles, deep energy efficiency retrofits in the built environment, and a transition to low-carbon energy sources like biomass-fired district energy. While the scenario achieves a 90% reduction in core emissions, the report notes that the final 10% may require offsets or sequestration.

The research examines the long-run dynamics of external costs associated with coal in the United Kingdom from 1700 to 2000. It finds that during the nineteenth century, the externalization of social costs rose significantly, peaking in 1891 when damages were estimated at £17.5 billion (2000 prices), or 17.3% of GDP. The author argues that this period represents a massive market failure where marginal social costs far outweighed marginal social benefits, and that government failure delayed optimal mitigation by fifty years. The paper uses this historical case to caution that current greenhouse gas emissions may follow a similar pattern of delayed government action and high social costs.

The document argues that investment treaty arbitration is a high-stakes gamble for developing states because the system is structurally biased toward investors. While states may successfully defend claims on the merits, they rarely recover the substantial costs of arbitration, which often amount to several million dollars. The author highlights a disparity in cost allocation: successful investors are more likely to have their costs covered by the state than successful states are to recover costs from investors. This risk is further exacerbated for states because they cannot utilize 'no win no fee' arrangements or third-party financing, as they have no damages to claim.

The authors argue that current community-scale emissions targets, such as 80% reductions by 2050, do not account for the UNFCCC principle of "common but differentiated responsibility." By applying the Greenhouse Development Rights (GDR) framework to Seattle, the study finds that an equitable global obligation would require the city to become carbon "negative" before 2020. This does not imply physical sequestration but rather a role where wealthy cities dramatically reduce their own emissions while financing low-carbon transitions in developing regions. The paper suggests that communities can use offsets or direct technology and financial transfers to meet these obligations and recommends that local governments integrate global equity into their official climate action plans.

The paper analyzes why Kenya successfully adopted a new constitution in 2010 while Zimbabwe remained stalled in its outreach programme. It identifies shared challenges in both nations, including a history of elite-driven constitutions and disputes over executive power and land. The author attributes Kenya's progress to the strategic alignment of leaders President Kibaki and Prime Minister Odinga, whereas Zimbabwe's process is hindered by a fragile power-sharing agreement between ZANU-PF and the MDC and the influence of 'securocrats' who favor the old order of impunity.

The letter advocates for a national programme of energy efficiency and a reduction in overall energy demand to improve energy security. It calls for an increase in the 2020 renewable energy target, a tenfold increase in renewable R&D funding—potentially funded by military budget cuts—and the implementation of a Renewable Heat Incentive. The authors argue against new nuclear build, insisting the industry pay full costs for waste management and insurance without public subsidies, and suggest delaying construction decisions until safety and waste assessments are complete.

The report documents that commuters in cars, buses, trains, and ferries are routinely exposed to high levels of diesel exhaust, with ultrafine particles (UFPs) serving as the most sensitive marker of fresh diesel emissions. Findings indicate that diesel soot dominates roadway particulate matter and that in-vehicle exposures are significantly higher than ambient outdoor air, particularly in 'pull' trains and highway tunnels. The study concludes that diesel particulate filters (DPFs) are highly effective at eliminating the soot plume behind vehicles, significantly improving air quality for following commuters and pedestrians.

The research demonstrates a historical divergence between the cost of energy commodities and the cost of the services they provide. While energy prices often rose due to taxes or shifts to higher-quality fuels, the prices of energy services generally declined since the Industrial Revolution due to technological efficiency gains. The author argues that using energy prices instead of service prices in economic models leads to incorrect estimates of consumer responsiveness and inaccurate forecasts of carbon dioxide emissions.

The report evaluates the state of biodiversity in Tallinn using the Singapore Index, where the city scored 62 out of 100 points. While Tallinn performs well in terms of native species richness and the proportion of natural areas, it lacks a dedicated biodiversity strategy and faces challenges such as habitat fragmentation and a lack of political priority for nature conservation. A survey of city officials highlights a perceived decline in urban forests and natural communities over the last decade. The document concludes with strategic and tactical recommendations, including the creation of a biodiversity action plan, improved integration of nature conservation into urban planning, and the establishment of a biodiversity council.