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The document analyzes the divergent priorities between the EU, which focuses on stemming irregular migration and border control, and African nations, which prioritize development, employment, and legal mobility. It critiques the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTF) for using aid conditionality to secure readmission agreements and argues that a lack of AU consensus, combined with restrictive bilateral agreements, hinders a coherent continental approach to migration.

The author examines the relationship between rising global military spending and international stability, arguing that the logic of deterrence often fails to eliminate threats like terrorism and can instead trigger security dilemmas. The text highlights a negative correlation between military spending and GDP growth, particularly in OECD countries, and suggests that diverting funds toward social policy could reduce radicalization. It proposes that the EU should prioritize integrated defense instruments, such as EU battlegroups, and strengthen arms control regulations to mitigate the risks of an inflationary arms race.

The document explores the evolution of pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance, arguing that because there is no single stipulated African model for governance, institutionalisation should be achieved through localisation of norms and total African ownership of processes and funding.

The author contends that Islamic State employs a strategy of provocation designed to trigger military escalation and social insecurity in Europe, which in turn fuels Islamophobia and recruitment. The document argues that orthodox security responses, which sacrifice personal freedoms for national security, actually support Islamic State's objectives by validating its narrative of Western aggression. It suggests that Islamic State is less coherent and powerful than portrayed, noting that its leadership includes pragmatic ex-Ba'ath Party officers and that many European attacks are 'outsourced' to individuals with limited organizational ties. The author advocates for a shift in policy where security is viewed as interdependent with civil liberties, arguing that bolstering the rights of minority communities and rejecting the 'clash of civilisations' narrative is the most effective way to delegitimize the group.

The document discusses the transition of the African Union Commission (AUC) leadership to Moussa Faki Mahamat. It emphasizes that the AU cannot return to 'business as usual' due to a volatile global political landscape and the urgent need for financial autonomy. A key focus is the implementation of a 0.2% levy on African imports to reduce reliance on international donors, aiming to provide $1.2 billion in overall revenue in 2017 and ensure peace operations are 25% self-funded. The text also highlights the necessity of institutional reforms proposed by President Paul Kagame and the need for the AU to address root causes of conflict and migration in countries such as Libya, Somalia, and Sudan.

The author examines the conflict between 'inclusivist' and 'residualist' definitions of migrants. While the inclusivist view sees all people changing their country of residence as migrants, the residualist view—promoted by the UNHCR—treats migrants as a residual category of people who are not refugees. The author argues that the residualist approach creates a false dichotomy of 'two kinds of people' and may inadvertently harm those seeking protection by suggesting that only 'refugees' are worthy of compassion.

The paper examines the role of Germany in supporting the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development from a South African perspective. It highlights the tension between the need for global public goods and a rising trend of protectionism in the North. The author argues that Germany, as a resilient economy with a history of positive engagement with developing countries, is uniquely positioned to facilitate partnerships and advocate for structural reforms—such as addressing illicit financial flows—to ensure the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are met.

The document examines the gap between Africa's formal legal commitments to freedom of movement and the actual practice of migration governance. While the African Union and various Regional Economic Communities have established frameworks to promote labour mobility and economic integration, implementation remains inconsistent. West Africa is highlighted as the most advanced model, whereas Southern Africa is noted for a securitised approach to migration. The brief argues that aligning regional policies and improving communication on the net benefits of migration are essential for unlocking the continent's development potential.

The policy brief examines the increasing presence of sub-Saharan African migrants in Algeria and Morocco, noting that while they have not been significantly implicated in terrorism, their precarious socio-economic conditions and exposure to racism create vulnerabilities. It advocates for the operationalisation of regularisation schemes and the adoption of non-coercive PVE strategies based on UN pillars to prevent future radicalisation.

The EU-Turkey deal significantly reduced sea crossings to Greece but shifted smuggling activities toward air travel and document fraud in Istanbul. While the deal provided temporary 'breathing space,' the paper argues it is unsustainable due to Turkey's internal political instability, economic pressures from hosting 2.75 million refugees, and the lack of a credible EU alternative.

The document analyzes the patterns of clandestine migration from North Africa to Europe, noting that while North Africans are a smaller group than sub-Saharan migrants, they are often innovators of new smuggling routes. It identifies three primary corridors: the central Mediterranean (increasingly popular via Libya), the eastern Mediterranean (via Turkey and the Balkans), and the western Mediterranean (declining due to security). The author argues that migration is primarily driven by economic desperation and youth unemployment rather than conflict, and that securitized border responses fail to address these root causes.

The document analyzes the state of democracy in Africa, arguing that while electoral democracy has increased since 1989, it is often constrained by neopatrimonialism and a lack of governance capacity. It explores the 'sequencing debate' regarding whether democracy precedes or follows economic development, noting that while authoritarian models have sometimes delivered rapid growth, long-term human development is robustly linked to high-quality electoral democracy. Using the International Futures (IFs) system, the author forecasts that a 'Fourth Wave' of democracy could significantly increase Africa's GDP and reduce extreme poverty by 2070 compared to an 'Authoritarian Regress' scenario.

The document analyzes China's transition from a non-interference policy to a more active role in African peace and security, driven by the need to protect its economic interests and a desire to establish itself as a 'responsible great power'. It contrasts Chinese and Western interpretations of human rights and peacebuilding, noting China's preference for socio-economic rights and state-led stability. While China has increased its UN peacekeeping contributions and partnered with the African Union, the report notes a contradiction in its role as a major arms supplier to the continent.

The document examines youth radicalisation in Africa as a complex phenomenon driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors. It argues that while religious ideology is often used as a justification, the actual drivers are frequently rooted in political repression, systemic corruption, socio-economic exclusion, and weakened family structures. The paper emphasizes that responses must be nuanced and evidence-based, moving beyond a 'one size fits all' approach to address specific local and structural vulnerabilities.

The document analyzes the dynamics of youth radicalization in Africa, arguing that it is a complex process driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors rather than a single cause. It highlights how government repression, corruption, high youth unemployment, and social exclusion create vulnerabilities that extremist groups like ISIS, Al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram exploit. The paper emphasizes that while religion is often used as a justification, the root causes are frequently socio-political and economic. It also examines the role of gender, noting that while most recruits are male, women's participation is increasing, often driven by different motivations or forced coercion.

The EU-Turkey deal, implemented in March 2016, aimed to reduce irregular arrivals by establishing a 'one in, one out' resettlement formula for Syrian refugees. While the author notes the deal and accompanying border closures in Eastern and South Eastern Europe have successfully deterred arrivals, this has come at a high humanitarian cost. Refugees are now stranded in squalid conditions in Greece, Macedonia, and Serbia, or are forced onto more dangerous smuggling routes, including the Libya-Italy crossing. The author argues that the deal may undermine the international principle of 'non-refoulement' and that the EU's focus on deterrence has created a 'homemade humanitarian crisis'.

The document analyzes the shift in Indian foreign policy under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, moving toward a more proactive and assertive 'geo-economic' approach. It examines how this strategy integrates Africa into India's broader geostrategic space, stretching from the Suez to the Pacific, and evaluates the outcomes of the third India–Africa Forum Summit (IAFS III). The authors argue that while India seeks to enhance its soft power and energy security, the relationship must evolve from a focus on Indian-sourced credit lines to partnerships that support African industrialization and manufacturing.

The document analyzes conflict data from 1960 to 2015, noting that while global fatalities from armed conflict generally decline relative to population, Africa maintains a disproportionately high conflict burden. It distinguishes between the 'capacity deficit' in sub-Saharan Africa and the 'inclusion deficit' in the MENA region as primary drivers of instability. The author argues that while violent Islamist extremism receives significant media attention, it accounts for a smaller portion of total political fatalities compared to other forms of violence, such as riots and non-state conflict.

The research finds a strong theoretical case for the TFTA due to high trade complementarity between Egypt, Kenya, and South Africa, though actual trade is currently limited by significant tariff and non-tariff barriers. While South Africa views the TFTA as a tool for 'developmental regionalism' to reduce poverty through industrialization, secondary powers like Kenya and Egypt may face competition from South African exports in their respective regional markets. The document emphasizes that the success of the TFTA depends on massive upgrades to transregional transport and energy infrastructure, noting that while some progress has been made in port and road corridors, large-scale energy projects in the DRC and Ethiopia face severe financial and technical obstacles.

The document examines how South Africa used its tenure on the UN Security Council to formalise institutional links between the UN and the African Union (AU), specifically through the application of Chapter VIII of the UN Charter. It argues that South Africa's efforts helped move the AU from a position of limited capacity to one of greater strategic co-operation, resulting in the creation of joint taskforces and improved coordination for peace support operations in Africa. The author suggests this 'hub and spoke' model of devolving security management to regional organisations offers a pragmatic alternative to the stalled process of formal UN Security Council reform.