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The Institute for Security Studies (ISS) helped MTN develop the Situational Awareness and Integrated Response (SAIR) system, an open-source informatics tool used to gather intelligence and manage security in volatile markets across Africa and the Middle East.

The document examines how political instability, corruption, and a focus on onshore security led to 'sea blindness' in the Gulf of Guinea, creating a security gap exploited by pirates and transnational criminal networks. It details the region's vast natural resources, including oil, gas, and minerals, and analyzes the shift toward maritime security since 2012. The author evaluates various responses, from national naval upgrades in Nigeria and Ghana to regional frameworks like the Yaoundé Declaration and international support from the EU and UN, concluding that the primary challenge remains translating high-level policy into operational action.

The document reviews Ghana's climate risk profile, noting that while it is less vulnerable than some West African neighbors, the northern regions face high risks due to poverty and reliance on rain-fed agriculture. It evaluates national policies like the National Climate Change Policy (2014) and the National Climate Change Adaptation Strategy (2010–2020), finding that while these provide a framework, sectoral policies—particularly in agriculture and health—often lack concrete adaptation actions. The review identifies a strong concentration of adaptation projects in the agricultural sector, primarily in northern Ghana, and notes that while Ghana is a significant recipient of bilateral adaptation funds in Sub-Saharan Africa, there is a gap in funding for the water, fisheries, and health sectors.

Burkina Faso is highly vulnerable to climate change due to its heavy reliance on rain-fed agriculture and livestock, which employ approximately 80-90% of its workforce. The country faces risks from rising temperatures, rainfall variability, and extreme events like floods and droughts. While the government has established a National Adaptation Plan (2015) and a coordinating body (CONEDD), adaptation efforts remain heavily concentrated in the agricultural sector, with limited integration into health or urban planning. Adaptation is largely driven by international funding and regional projects, with a significant gap in subnational guidance and local government capacity.

The document provides a structured review of literature concerning the gendered aspects of DDR. It highlights a systemic tendency to view women primarily as victims or 'camp followers' rather than active combatants, which leads to their exclusion from DDR benefits. It also examines how hegemonic masculinity drives violence and how the lack of gender-sensitive planning in post-conflict settings—such as in Aceh or Sierra Leone—marginalizes female ex-fighters. Conversely, it notes more inclusive patterns in Latin American peace processes, such as those in Colombia and El Salvador.

The document examines the challenges and necessity of resolving maritime boundary disputes in Africa, highlighting how these conflicts hinder the 'Blue Economy' and regional security. It discusses the role of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and the 2050 Africa’s Integrated Maritime Strategy (2050 AIMS), while recommending a preference for bilateral and regional resolution mechanisms over international courts.

The report finds that while religious radicalism in Côte d’Ivoire has not reached the scale seen elsewhere in West Africa, the country remains vulnerable due to political instability, regulatory gaps, and socio-economic marginalisation. It details how Pentecostalist 'prophets' influenced the hardline posture of former President Laurent Gbagbo during the 2010-11 crisis and notes the presence of Wahhabi Islam. Additionally, it examines the Lebanese diaspora, noting that while most view Hezbollah as a 'national resistance movement' and provide financial support, there is currently no direct threat to Ivorian national security from this community.

Civil society organizations gathered at the World Social Forum in Tunis in March 2015 to oppose the G8's New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition in Africa. They argue the initiative promotes corporate-led agriculture, facilitates land grabbing, and undermines the rights of small-scale farmers. The statement calls for a shift toward food sovereignty, agro-ecology, and the protection of peasant seed systems, demanding that governments suspend New Alliance commitments and prioritize human rights-based agricultural systems.

A statement by social movements and civil society organizations opposing the G8 New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition in Africa, arguing that it prioritizes corporate interests over small-scale producers and undermines food sovereignty.

The document reviews Claude Martin's analysis of tropical rainforests, highlighting the shift from viewing commercial logging as the primary driver of deforestation to recognizing the central role of agriculture and agro-industrial land conversion. It details the importance of biodiversity, the role of protected areas and remote sensing in conservation, and the emerging threat of climate change, which risks turning forests into net greenhouse gas sources. The text also emphasizes the human rights risks faced by environmental advocates and the need to integrate natural capital into economic policy.

The report argues that carefully designed investment contracts can bridge gaps in national legislation to ensure that large-scale agricultural investments in developing countries promote sustainable development. Drawing on research from UNCTAD and the World Bank, it identifies five key benefits—such as job creation and the integration of local farmers—and five primary risks, including land loss and poor environmental management. The document outlines a three-stage contractual process (preparation, negotiation, and monitoring) and provides specific legal options, such as 'satellite plantation' clauses and community development agreements, to ensure investors meet their social and environmental obligations.

The report analyzes the impact of large-scale agricultural investments in developing countries, identifying five key positive outcomes and five primary downsides. It argues that while domestic laws are the best foundation, investment contracts can fill regulatory gaps to ensure responsible conduct. The authors propose a three-stage contracting process—preparation, negotiation, and monitoring—and provide specific legal options to embed social, environmental, and economic safeguards into these agreements to prevent project failure and community conflict.

The document examines the conflict between mining, oil, and gas extraction and the conservation of protected areas (PAs) and World Heritage (WH) sites in Africa. It highlights that 32% of African natural WH sites are 'in danger' and argues that extractive activities are incompatible with WH status. The author calls for the implementation of 'no-go zones' in WH sites and the adoption of strict operational guidelines and biodiversity offsets where mining in other PAs is unavoidable. It emphasizes the role of the private sector as a custodian of the environment, noting that financial institutions and international standards (such as the Equator Principles) are increasingly driving corporate compliance to avoid investor stigma and protect shareholder value.

The document examines the AU Panel of the Wise (PoW) as a key pillar of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), focusing on its use of preventive diplomacy in crisis-prone elections. It argues that while the PoW can attenuate violence and promote peaceful outcomes, such interventions often prioritize immediate peace over electoral legitimacy, potentially deferring structural conflicts to future cycles. The author emphasizes that the success of preventive diplomacy depends on the timing of 'early action' and the commitment of political stakeholders, noting that long-term governance transformation is necessary to resolve deep-rooted conflicts.

The document examines South Africa's role as Africa's representative in the G-20 and BRICS, arguing that its effectiveness is limited by domestic challenges and a competitive relationship with Nigeria. It traces the historical trajectory of South Africa-Nigeria relations from the anti-apartheid struggle to post-1999 democratic cooperation and subsequent diplomatic rifts. The author contends that a reinvigorated partnership between these two pivotal states is essential to avoid Africa's marginalisation in global economic governance and recommends evidence-based research and a shared developmental agenda to move beyond rivalry.

The document examines South Africa's complex relationship with the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) framework, noting a tension between its commitment to protecting civilians and its skepticism toward military interventions that may serve as pretexts for regime change. While South Africa helped integrate R2P principles into the African Union's Constitutive Act, its actions as a UN Security Council member—particularly regarding Libya—have led to perceptions of inconsistency. The author argues that South Africa prefers a moderate approach centered on dialogue and regional solutions, constrained by limited domestic resources and a strategic desire to avoid endorsing interventions that could be applied selectively in Africa.

The briefing examines the precarious state of elections in West Africa in 2015, highlighting how insurgency in Nigeria, constitutional disputes in Togo, electoral list controversies in Benin, fragile security in Côte d’Ivoire, funding gaps in Burkina Faso, and the Ebola crisis in Guinea threaten the legitimacy and stability of the democratic process.

The document examines the role of diaspora populations in international development, highlighting that their financial contributions often exceed official development assistance. It analyzes the challenges of integrating diaspora-led initiatives into the formal Norwegian aid system (Norad), the value of 'diasprenuer' (diaspora entrepreneurship), and the importance of recognizing transnational bonds as a resource rather than a barrier to integration.

The document advocates for a shift in DDR processes from viewing gender as a challenge to treating it as an asset. It emphasizes that women are active combatants who gain skills and independence during conflict, while men can also be victims of violent masculinity and repressive regimes. The author argues that successful DDR requires increasing female participation in peace processes, 'disarming' violent masculinities, and accounting for the socio-economic and cultural contexts that affect reintegration.

The paper analyzes the evolution of the 'Women, Peace and Security' (WPS) framework, centered on UN Security Council Resolution 1325. While the author notes rapid normative spread and broad political acceptance among member states and regional organizations, she highlights a significant failure to translate these norms into practice. This is evidenced by low female representation in UN peace operations and political missions, insufficient funding, and a lack of accountability at leadership levels. The author argues that while shifting global power dynamics and opposition from states like Russia and China pose risks, the continued pressure from transnational women's networks remains the primary driver for future progress.