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The report finds that EU coal-fired power plants were responsible for approximately 22,900 premature deaths in 2013, with health costs estimated between 32.4 and 62.3 billion Euros. A significant portion of these impacts is cross-border; for example, coal plants in Poland and Germany caused over 7,000 premature deaths in other countries. The analysis identifies the 'Toxic 30' plants responsible for 51% of these deaths and the 'Dirty 30' plants contributing nearly half of the EU coal fleet's CO2 emissions. The authors advocate for a full coal phase-out, structural reform of the EU Emissions Trading System, and the implementation of an Emissions Performance Standard to meet Paris Agreement goals.

The GCF Board's twelfth meeting resulted in the endorsement of the initial Strategic Plan (2015-2018) and the accreditation of 13 entities, including HSBC and the African Development Bank. Key operational milestones included the adoption of a Comprehensive Information Disclosure Policy, the establishment of a Budget Committee, and the approval of a risk register. The Board also addressed resource mobilization, noting a USD 3 billion contribution arrangement from the United States and approving a budget increase for Secretariat staffing to approximately 100 members by the end of 2016. Additionally, the Board initiated the process for appointing a new Executive Director and approved a USD 1.5 million grant for project preparation in Rwanda.

The EU-Turkey deal, implemented in March 2016, aimed to reduce irregular arrivals by establishing a 'one in, one out' resettlement formula for Syrian refugees. While the author notes the deal and accompanying border closures in Eastern and South Eastern Europe have successfully deterred arrivals, this has come at a high humanitarian cost. Refugees are now stranded in squalid conditions in Greece, Macedonia, and Serbia, or are forced onto more dangerous smuggling routes, including the Libya-Italy crossing. The author argues that the deal may undermine the international principle of 'non-refoulement' and that the EU's focus on deterrence has created a 'homemade humanitarian crisis'.

The author criticises the EU-Turkey deal reached on 18 March 2016, asserting that it fails to end irregular migration and instead leads to human rights violations, including the forced return of migrants and appalling detention conditions in Greece. The text argues that the EU is using non-binding 'statements' to avoid democratic scrutiny and parliamentary oversight. It proposes alternatives such as the yearly resettlement of 500,000 refugees over six years, humanitarian admission programmes, and labour mobility programs to replace the current focus on deterrence and criminalisation.

Between 1919 and 1920, a civil society-led humanitarian effort rescued approximately 200,000 malnourished children from Central Europe, particularly Vienna, by hosting them in various European countries. Italian cities like Milan, Bologna, and Reggio Emilia played a significant role through 'trains of brotherhood,' providing relief and temporary shelter to children from a former enemy state. This initiative facilitated diplomatic reconciliation between Italy and Austria, though it faced opposition from fascist groups and was closed by the Italian government in June 1920. The author draws a parallel between this historical event and contemporary Italian civil society efforts to establish humanitarian corridors for refugees from Syria and East/Sub-Saharan Africa.

Professor Bronisław Geremek discusses the historical significance of the 2007 Schengen Area expansion, which integrated nine 2004 EU accession states. He frames the removal of internal border controls as a realization of the 'Four Freedoms' and a critical step toward full European citizenship for Central and Eastern Europeans. However, he warns that this internal openness necessitates strengthened external borders, potentially creating a 'Fortress Europe' that excludes neighbors to the east and undocumented immigrants.

The text discusses the historical significance of the December 2007 expansion of the Schengen Area, which integrated 9 of the 10 countries that joined the EU in 2004. It frames the removal of internal border controls as a realization of the 'four freedoms' and a step toward a unified European identity, particularly for citizens of Central and Eastern Europe who previously lived under Soviet domination. However, the author notes that this internal openness necessitates stricter external borders, raising concerns about the creation of a 'Fortress Europe' and a 'new iron curtain' affecting relations with non-EU neighbors like Ukraine.

The document analyzes how the 'carbon leakage' mechanism in the EU ETS allowed heavy industry in 19 European countries to earn over €24 billion in windfall profits between 2008 and 2014. It contends that these subsidies reduce incentives for decarbonization and deprive governments of auctioning revenues, while evidence for actual carbon leakage remains absent. The brief recommends phasing out free allocations in favor of 100% auctioning to fund low-carbon innovation.

The document assesses the impact of 'carbon leakage' rules within the EU ETS from 2008 to 2014, finding that free pollution permits resulted in over 4 billion in windfall profits for heavy industry. It highlights that these subsidies benefit specific sectors like iron, steel, and cement, and primarily accrue in countries such as Germany and the UK. The brief contends that these rules reduce incentives for decarbonization and deprive governments of approximately 137 billion in potential auctioning revenues. It recommends phasing out free allocations in favor of 100% auctioning to align with the polluter-pays principle and the global landscape following the Paris agreement.

The report argues that the EU ETS has failed to incentivise emissions reductions in the cement sector, instead acting as a production subsidy for high-carbon clinker. Due to coarse free allocation rules and an inaccurate carbon leakage list, the sector has accumulated significant allowance surpluses, with five major companies receiving nearly €1 billion in free allowances between 2008 and 2014. This has led to 'reverse carbon leakage,' where emissions are imported into the EU through clinker exports. The authors recommend introducing more granular production thresholds for allocation, a tiered system for leakage protection, and additional non-ETS policies to support carbon capture and non-Portland cement innovations.

The CADWAGO project examined water governance transformations to enhance climate change adaptation. Key findings highlight that power imbalances and conflicts of interest often distort deliberative processes, while extreme climate events can act as catalysts for collaborative, non-neoliberal governance shifts. The project advocates for moving from a 'security' narrative of water—which it argues can amplify inequities—toward a 'water equity' narrative that empowers diverse stakeholder constellations.

The paper applies an adapted Economics of Low Carbon development strategies for Cities (ELCC) framework to Bologna, Italy, to prioritize domestic water efficiency measures. It finds that an investment of €17 million in five cost-effective measures could reduce domestic water consumption by 34% by 2020, generating €10.2 million in annual savings. A further investment of €28.5 million could increase the total water reduction to 37%.

The European power sector saw a record increase in renewables generation in 2015, yet CO2 emissions fell by only an estimated 0.5% due to offsetting increases in coal generation in several countries and a rebound in electricity demand. While the UK experienced a collapse in coal generation, this was countered by growth in the Netherlands, Spain, and Poland. The report forecasts a further 21% drop in EU ETS emissions from 2014 to 2020, suggesting the EU is on track to surpass its 20% economy-wide CO2 cut target.

The author contends that the rise of right-wing and left-wing populism in Europe is fueled by the failure of national governments to deliver common EU policies for social division, climate collapse, and economic instability. The text advocates for a 'Green New Deal' to steer capital toward ecological modernization, a collaborative taxation policy to end corporate tax dumping, and systemic reforms to increase transparency and reduce the influence of economic lobbies within EU institutions. It specifically calls for the cessation of free trade agreements like TTIP, CETA, and TiSA, arguing they limit European democracy.

The author calls for a shift from technocratic management to bold common European policies to combat the rise of right-wing populism and national sovereignty movements. Key proposals include a 'Green New Deal' to direct excess capital into ecological modernization, a coordinated fight against corporate tax dumping, and the strengthening of civil society and transparency to reduce the influence of corporate lobbies. The author specifically advocates for the rejection of trade agreements like TTIP, CETA, and TiSA, which are viewed as constraints on democratic governance.

The Green Economy Barometer 2016 reports that while the transition to green economies is accelerating—marked by record investments in renewables and a maturing international policy architecture—it remains insufficient in depth and breadth. The report highlights a significant shift in investment toward developing countries and the emergence of ambitious national sectoral targets. However, it argues that structural reform is lacking, as most national plans ignore the informal economy and the needs of the poorest populations. The document concludes that the green economy remains politically fringe and requires a more inclusive narrative to achieve large-scale societal transformation.

The document argues that the 'commons'—resources managed by autonomous citizens through cooperation and reciprocity—offer a necessary third way between the state and the market. It explores various applications, from urban 'commoning' in Italy and France to seed-saving in India and the legal challenges of space mining. The text highlights how neoliberal privatisation has driven a 'third wave' of collective action and calls for EU policy to shift from a growth-centric model to one that supports stewardship and social-ecological sustainability.

The document argues that the Sendai Framework's emphasis on multi-level collaboration, learning, and innovation aligns with adaptive governance, which can help manage the complexity of social-ecological systems. While the Framework provides a window for transformative change, its implementation faces hurdles including high operational costs, power imbalances, and the lack of a dedicated funding mechanism.

The report analyzes the intersection of climate change, World Heritage sites, and tourism, arguing that climate change acts as a 'threat multiplier' that degrades the outstanding universal value (OUV) of these sites while simultaneously threatening the tourism economies that depend on them. Through 30 case studies across 29 countries, it demonstrates that impacts range from glacier melt and sea-level rise to increased wildfire regimes and ocean acidification. The document emphasizes that while sustainable tourism can support conservation, unplanned development often increases site vulnerability. It concludes with recommendations for intergovernmental organizations, governments, and site managers to integrate climate science into management plans, reduce tourism's carbon footprint, and empower local and indigenous communities in adaptation efforts.

The document is a declaration calling for the end of fossil fuel exploration and extraction to address the climate crisis and mass extinction. It demands a just transition to a democratized, 100% renewable energy system, the removal of fossil fuel industry influence from policymaking, and the recognition of the rights of Indigenous and frontline communities.