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The policy brief examines the 'letting others lead' approach of European states toward the regulation of commercial military services. It contends that the perceived restrictiveness of European frameworks is an illusion, as core military tasks are routinely outsourced and regulations are often interpreted permissively or bypassed. This lack of internal rigor leads European states to relegate regulatory initiative to allies (such as the US and UK), multi-stakeholder codes of conduct, and industry self-regulation, which further fragments the global regulatory landscape and reduces accountability.

The document examines the tension between international humanitarian law (IHL) and international human rights law (IHRL), identifying four primary legal logics—co-applicationist, separatist, sceptic, and operational—that shape how these frameworks interact during armed conflict. It highlights that while convergence is often viewed as a positive development in Norwegian policy, it creates significant practical and legal dilemmas regarding extraterritoriality, the principle of proportionality, and the operational clarity required by military forces.

The report examines the transition of Turkish foreign policy under the AKP from a non-interventionist stance to a pro-active 'zero problems with neighbours' approach. It argues that the Arab Spring, particularly the civil war in Syria, has forced a return to more pragmatic and security-oriented policies. A central theme is the 'existential fear of Kurdish separatism,' as autonomy in northern Iraq and Syria threatens Turkey's internal stability and reignites conflict with the PKK. While Turkey has achieved economic growth and a 'middle power' status, its soft power is undermined by domestic democratic deficiencies and the imprisonment of journalists and political opponents.

The text examines the evolution of Turkish foreign policy since the AKP came to power in 2002. It describes a transition from a cautious, secular, and Western-focused approach to a strategy that emphasizes Turkey's Muslim identity and seeks to increase its regional influence in the Middle East through 'soft power' and a 'zero-problems' discourse. The author notes that while the government maintains a 'value-based' foreign policy, it must balance this with national interests and the economic growth driven by these regional engagements.

The research paper examines how the US adapted to asymmetric warfare after 9/11 by rapidly expanding its use of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and Special Forces. It details the scale of UAV deployment, the shift toward 'network-centric' warfare, and the resulting geopolitical tensions and ethical risks, such as the 'Playstation syndrome' and the potential for a global arms race involving Russia and China. The author also highlights the role of the Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) and the Navy SEALs in covert operations across multiple continents, arguing that these developments have revolutionised 21st-century warfare and necessitate international legal scrutiny, particularly regarding operations in Africa.

The briefing describes Angola's political system as a hybrid of a formal government ruled by the MPLA and a more resilient 'shadow' government controlled by President José Eduardo Dos Santos. This shadow structure, powered by the national oil company Sonangol, manages international policy, money supply, and security independently of formal ministries. The author argues that recent legislative changes, including the 2010 constitution, have formalized the president's unlimited power and weakened the formal state's autonomy. While the regime maintains stability through a vast patronage network, the document identifies internal tensions within the MPLA and the risks of uncontrolled corruption as primary threats to the system's reproduction.

The report details 12 sustainability cases involving Royal Dutch Shell, highlighting systemic issues such as oil spills and gas flaring in Nigeria, toxic pesticide contamination in Brazil, and the high carbon intensity of Canadian tar sands. It examines the company's expansion into unconventional gas through fracking and its influence on political processes in the UK, Netherlands, and other host countries. The document argues that Shell's business strategy prioritizes profit over environmental and human rights, often employing a 'double standard' in its operational safety and reporting.

The paper analyzes German foreign policy in Afghanistan post-9/11, rejecting the idea that it was solely driven by a 'culture of restraint' or operational adaptation. Instead, it proposes a 'two-level game' framework where Berlin navigated demands from NATO allies (particularly the US) and domestic public opposition. The author identifies four phases: an initial 'high risk' response to 9/11, a 'risk-minimization' defensive phase (2002-2006), an 'offensive risk-minimization' phase (2007-2011) characterized by symbolic COIN operations and increased aid, and a final 'zero risk' decision to withdraw by 2014 following US policy shifts.

The research predicts a global decline in internal armed conflict, with the proportion of countries in conflict expected to drop from 15.1% in 2009 to 7.1% by 2050. This trend is driven primarily by projected improvements in education and infant mortality rates. While Western Asia and North Africa are expected to see significant reductions, conflicts are predicted to remain more concentrated in East, Central, and Southern Africa, as well as East and South Asia.

Scientists for Global Responsibility (SGR) critiques the UK's Strategic Defence and Security Review for excluding nuclear weapons and maintaining an oversized military budget. SGR advocates for a 25% reduction in military spending, the cancellation of the Trident replacement system, and the retirement of various offensive conventional weapons. The organization argues that funds should be redirected toward tackling the roots of insecurity, such as poverty and unsustainable natural resource consumption, to improve energy security and mitigate climate change.

The report details a two-day conference in Nairobi focused on the integration of the private security sector into African peacekeeping. It examines the shift from 'combat' roles to 'non-core' military functions, the tension between state monopolies on force and the efficiency of private contractors, and the urgent need for binding international regulatory frameworks to replace non-binding guidelines like the Montreux Document.

The report examines the gender gap in the Norwegian Armed Forces (NAF) and other NATO countries, arguing that while national recruitment is a prerequisite for female participation in international missions, it is not sufficient on its own. Despite implementing numerous initiatives, Norway has seen slow growth in female personnel, trailing behind countries like Canada, France, and the United States. The author analyzes NATO's recommended best practices across recruitment, employment, operational planning, and quality of life, noting that many states prioritize equal rights over the instrumental operational value of women. The report specifically highlights Canada's 'employer of choice' strategy as a successful model for Norway to consider, while cautioning that mandatory conscription for women in Norway may be premature without a deeper understanding of female motivation for military service.

Between 2004 and 2007, Cuba transitioned from a fragile, centralized power system plagued by frequent blackouts to a more resilient model. This was achieved through 'La Revolución Energética', which combined the mass replacement of inefficient appliances (lamps, refrigerators, air conditioners) with the installation of 1,854 diesel and fuel-oil-fired microgenerators. This decentralized architecture improved resilience against hurricanes and reduced oil consumption per kWh compared to central plants, while the country began shifting toward long-term renewable goals including wind, solar, and bagasse cogeneration.

The author contends that the U.S. Department of Defense (DOD) faces critical national security risks due to its inefficient use of fuel in the battlespace and its dependence on a vulnerable commercial electricity grid. To mitigate these, the document proposes two new strategic capabilities: 'Endurance,' which leverages energy efficiency to reduce the logistics 'tail' and increase combat effectiveness, and 'Resilience,' which utilizes onsite renewable microgrids to ensure mission continuity. The author advocates for a shift in metrics, specifically the use of the 'Fully Burdened Cost of Fuel' (FBCF), to incentivize the adoption of available technologies that could potentially reduce mobility-fuel requirements by two-thirds to three-fourths.

The author proposes a new green revolution focused on sustainable land management and water harvesting to meet development goals and climate risks. He argues that investing in small-scale rainfed agriculture and conservation agriculture can double or triple crop yields while sequestering carbon. The document identifies systemic barriers, such as the policy fixation on large-scale irrigation and the administrative split between 'wet' water ministries and 'dry' agriculture ministries, and calls for integrated national strategies in Africa to scale these solutions.

The briefing assesses the failure of the Djibouti reconciliation process and the subsequent dysfunction of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) under President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed. It critiques the international community for relying on a simplistic 'moderates versus extremists' binary and a counter-terrorist framework that ignores Somali factionalism and the complexities of groups like Shabaab. The author contends that the TFG is perceived as a tool of foreign interests and is plagued by internal corruption and leadership weaknesses. The document recommends moving away from military solutions and instead engaging the broader armed opposition and all sectors of Somali society to achieve lasting peace.

The document examines Brazil's shift toward a more ambitious, multi-polar foreign policy under President 'Lula' da Silva, characterized by a desire for UN Security Council reform, strengthened South-South cooperation, and a proactive role as a democratic stabilizer in South America.

The document analyzes the failure of 'oil for infrastructure' deals in Nigeria, where Chinese companies secured oil blocs in exchange for projects like the Lagos–Kano railway and Mambilla power station. These projects were stalled after the 2007 transition to President Yar’Adua's administration, which preferred cash payments over infrastructure. Consequently, Chinese firms have shifted toward direct acquisitions of oil assets for cash, exemplified by Sinopec's $7.2 billion purchase of Addax Petroleum in 2009.

The author analyzes President Obama's 2009 speech in Ghana, noting a transition from viewing Africa instrumentally through the 'war on terror' to seeing its development as intrinsic to global security. The new policy rests on four pillars: democracy and good governance, smart development assistance, public health, and conflict reduction. However, the author argues that the US's influence has diminished due to the Iraq war and the domestic financial crisis, allowing China, the EU, Russia, India, and Brazil to offer more programmatic or comprehensive partnerships. The document suggests that African nations, such as Ghana, can benefit from this competition by diversifying their partnerships across different global powers to meet specific national needs.

The document analyzes the trajectory of the Islamic Front of Salvation (FIS) in Algeria, from its emergence as a mass political party during the liberalisation of 1989 to its ban in 1992 and subsequent role in armed rebellion. It argues that the FIS's success was driven by social grievances and the failure of the ruling National Liberation Front (FLN), while its radicalisation was partly a response to state repression. The paper further assesses the current Algerian party system, noting a trend of public apathy and the continued dominance of the military and executive branch despite the inclusion of moderate Islamist parties in governing coalitions.