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The report examines the direct and indirect benefits of energy efficiency (EE), such as reduced greenhouse gas emissions and increased industrial competitiveness. It details various international policy mechanisms—including regulation, market instruments, and fiscal policies—and evaluates their application in countries like Canada, China, and the EU. The document concludes that while Brazil has established several EE programs, it faces challenges such as fragmented governance and a lack of alignment between industrial and energy policies.

The report finds that GFANZ members, including major banks and asset managers, have provided hundreds of billions of dollars to companies expanding fossil fuel production. It argues that the alliance's sectoral guidelines and individual member policies are insufficient to prevent this expansion, often relying on flawed decarbonization targets that do not explicitly prohibit new fossil fuel supply. The document calls for the adoption of robust 'no-expansion' policies, alignment with UN Race to Zero criteria, and the implementation of meaningful accountability mechanisms to ensure financial flows are redirected toward clean energy.

The report finds that while 92% of surveyed business leaders view reducing carbon emissions as an urgent priority, many struggle with the 'how' of decarbonization due to budget and technological constraints. Businesses increasingly view the voluntary carbon market (VCM) as a critical tool for immediate action, though concerns over greenwashing and market transparency persist. While science-based targets are widely supported, there is a significant demand for clearer, more realistic guidance to help organizations meet their 2030 and 2050 goals.

The report outlines a two-tiered approach to an EU methane import standard: an initial prescriptive standard focusing on practices and technologies, followed by a more ambitious emission intensity standard. It argues that there are no insuperable legal obstacles to such a standard under WTO or UNFCCC rules, provided the EU applies equivalent burdens to domestic production. Key recommendations include using an equivalence principle for exporting countries and companies, implementing financial penalties for non-compliance, and establishing an EU methane fund to support mitigation in developing countries. The document also highlights the need for robust monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV) and warns of 'methane leakage' where high-emitting gas is redirected to less regulated markets.

The briefing, based on a CE Delft study, finds that the EU could reduce domestic methane emissions by 49-68% by 2030 if all available mitigation measures are implemented. Agriculture is the largest source of EU methane, contributing 53% of emissions (8 Mt/year), yet it is the most neglected sector in current policy, with only a 3.7% reduction expected under business-as-usual trends. The most significant reduction potential comes from shifting consumer diets toward lower meat and dairy consumption, which alone could reduce total EU methane emissions by 15-19%. Technical measures, including feed additives and manure management, offer further reductions, though they are less impactful than dietary shifts. The document recommends that the EU set science-aligned methane targets for agriculture, promote plant-rich diets through the Sustainable Food Systems Framework Law, and impose binding methane-reporting and reduction targets on corporations.

The 2022 activities of the Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) show a sustained focus on climate change, with references appearing in 25 out of 33 State review processes. The Committee emphasized adaptation, mitigation, and the empowerment of children in policymaking, while specifically calling out the need for more ambitious emission reductions in developed nations like Germany. A significant portion of the CRC's work focused on the accountability of private actors in fossil fuel production and the extraterritorial obligations of States to protect children's rights abroad. Furthermore, the CRC developed a draft General Comment No. 26, which links a safe climate to the right to a clean, healthy, and sustainable environment and advocates for the phasing out of fossil fuels.

The document outlines a roadmap for Indonesia to transition to a low-carbon economy without leaving vulnerable workers and communities behind. It defines the dimensions of just transition—procedural, distributive, and restorative—and provides a set of principles and a planning checklist. The guide analyses Indonesia's current policy landscape, highlighting the dominance of the energy sector in transition discussions and the need for a more cross-sectoral approach. It also presents international case studies from Germany, Canada, Sweden, the USA, and Australia to illustrate different leadership models and outcomes. Key recommendations include establishing a national governing body, creating a centralised database of affected workers, and enhancing social dialogue to ensure inclusive decision-making.

The document outlines the principles of a just transition, drawing on international case studies from Germany, Canada, Sweden, the US, and Australia to inform Indonesia's approach. It identifies key challenges in Indonesia, such as the lack of centralized data on affected workers and the need for cross-sectoral coordination. The guide proposes specific actions for government, non-governmental actors, and businesses, and introduces the Energy Transition Mechanism Country Platform (ETM-CP) and the Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) as primary financial frameworks for Indonesia's energy shift.

The report analyzes how the Russian War in Ukraine and subsequent Western sanctions have disrupted decades of energy diplomacy. While Russian crude oil exports proved resilient by redirecting volumes to India and China, the gas sector faced a severe crisis due to its reliance on European pipelines. The document details the use of 'shadow fleets' and blending to circumvent oil price caps and the limited feasibility of redirecting pipeline gas. It concludes that Russia is becoming increasingly dependent on China and that the focus on survival and new fossil fuel markets has marginalized its domestic low-carbon agenda.

The report analyzes how different audiences perceive the intersection of climate change and health and evaluates the effectiveness of various communication frames. It finds that framing climate change as a public health issue, particularly by emphasizing the health benefits of solutions (gain framing) and the harms of air pollution, can increase public engagement and reduce political polarization. The document highlights health professionals as highly trusted messengers who are generally willing to engage in advocacy but face barriers such as lack of time and specialized knowledge. It also notes that public officials exhibit varying levels of awareness and face institutional barriers to prioritizing climate-health issues. The report concludes with a research agenda calling for more diverse geographic data, better integration of equity in messaging, and the expansion of climate-health curricula in medical education.

The report finds that low-cost, repeated behaviors like reducing food waste are significantly more common than high-cost, one-time installations like heat pumps or solar panels. While many who adopted these behaviors faced minimal difficulty, non-adopters cited lack of awareness and lack of interest for low-cost actions, and high cost and home ownership issues for high-cost technologies.

The document argues that carbon markets and offsetting mechanisms are ineffective 'false solutions' that allow major polluters to continue emitting while causing harm to ecosystems and communities, particularly in the Global South. It details the mechanisms of the UNFCCC's Article 6, various regional and national carbon pricing initiatives, and provides strategies for civil society to resist these systems through advocacy, legal action, and community mobilization.

The document argues that carbon markets and emission offsets are ineffective at reducing emissions and instead serve as a distraction for major polluters while enabling extractivism and neocolonialism, particularly in the Global South. It details the mechanisms of the UNFCCC's Article 6, including the cooperative approaches of 6.2 and the UN-managed market of 6.4, as well as various regional and national systems in Europe, Africa, Asia, and the Americas. The guide concludes by offering strategies for opposition, such as policy advocacy, community awareness, and legal challenges, while providing resources for tracking carbon projects.

The report outlines the transition of South Africa's automotive industry toward electric vehicles, highlighting key opportunities in public transport, micro-mobility, private passenger vehicles, and lithium-ion cell manufacturing. It emphasizes the pressure from the European Union's 2035 ban on internal combustion engine vehicles to drive local production and the role of South Africa's mineral reserves in the battery value chain.

The document explores the 'anti-green backlash' and the practical dilemmas of the energy transition, focusing on social inequality, territorial disputes over renewables and mining, and the geopolitical implications of critical raw material sourcing. It argues that a just transition requires rebuilding the welfare state, increasing democratic participation, and addressing historical ecological debts to avoid 'eco-apartheid' and political polarisation.

The report identifies a network of Spanish-speaking accounts, primarily right-wing and based in Spain, that disseminate misinformation about renewable energy. Key narratives include claims that wildfires are intentionally set to clear land for wind farms and that renewable technologies harm wildlife or pollute the environment. The analysis reveals that these narratives often originate in other languages, are amplified by influential right-wing figures, and correlate with extreme weather events or policy changes.

The 2023 state of global environmental governance was characterized by a tension between significant multilateral achievements and deepening geopolitical fractures. While the world saw the adoption of the BBNJ treaty and the Global Framework on Chemicals, progress on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) remains dire, with only 15% of targets on track. Climate action reached a milestone with the first Global Stocktake (GST) in Dubai, calling for a transition away from fossil fuels, though critics noted the absence of a full phase-out. Geopolitical tensions, particularly Russia's invasion of Ukraine, have hindered scientific collaboration in the Arctic and increased the use of voting over consensus in treaty negotiations. Financial gaps remain a critical barrier, with calls for a New Global Financing Pact to address the needs of the Global South.

The report examines the information asymmetry between social media platforms and public interest researchers, identifying technological, legal, and ethical barriers to data access. It evaluates existing mechanisms such as transparency reporting, API access, and crowdsourced data donations, while analyzing the impact of the EU's Digital Services Act (DSA) and GDPR. The authors recommend the creation of an independent intermediary body to vet researchers and the alignment of international standards to ensure a safe, transparent, and evidence-based approach to studying the societal impacts of digital platforms.

The document defines various forms of information disorder—misinformation, disinformation, malinformation, and information manipulation—and explains their impact on political work, such as the undermining of public debate and the defamation of politicians. It provides a framework for establishing monitoring environments using OSINT tools, a methodology for evaluating incidents via the ABCDE-Framework and a priority matrix, and a set of strategic communication (StratKom) recommendations ranging from reactive measures like debunking to proactive strategies like prebunking and resilience building.

The report details the outcomes of the 'Im toten Winkel' conference, highlighting how right-wing extremists employ a 'multi-platform strategy' combining mainstream sites like Facebook and X with alternative, decentralized platforms. Key findings emphasize the use of 'Fear Speech' to mobilize new supporters, the diversification of funding through cryptocurrencies and influencer-style memberships, and the role of TikTok in targeting younger audiences through pop-culture integration. The document also discusses the impact of the European Digital Services Act (DSA) and the necessity of interdisciplinary cooperation between researchers, authorities, and financial institutions to disrupt extremist networks.