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Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) advocates for a legally binding international treaty to replace voluntary corporate social responsibility approaches, arguing that TNCs currently operate under a 'shield of special rights and privileges'. The proposal emphasizes the need for mandatory rules that prioritize human rights over trade and investment agreements, the establishment of a World Court on TNCs and Human Rights to end corporate impunity, and the legal recognition of 'Ecocide' and the rights of 'Affected Peoples'. FoEI specifically calls for the criminal and civil liability of TNC executives and the protection of environmental defenders.

Carbon Market Watch argues that while carbon markets can be useful for high-cost emission reduction sectors, they must not substitute for domestic action or lead to the lock-in of high-carbon infrastructure. The organization emphasizes the necessity of an all-encompassing international accounting framework to prevent double counting and calls for the integration of social and environmental safeguards, including a grievance mechanism for the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM).

The policy brief contends that the deadlock in global climate finance negotiations stems from a lack of predictability in financial flows. It suggests that Africa can lead a breakthrough for the Paris (COP21) conference by shifting focus from quantifying 'adequate' finance to securing 'predictable' flows. The author argues that by demonstrating the ability to effectively deploy available resources and aligning adaptation needs with low-carbon development pathways, African nations can create a 'win-win' scenario that encourages developed nations to provide sustained funding. The brief recommends identifying off-budget and market-driven financial sources to avoid the unreliability of traditional budget support.

The briefing identifies three critical action areas for negotiators in Bonn: establishing predictable 'cycles of action' for climate plans, defining long-term mitigation and adaptation goals, and planning for post-2020 climate finance. It argues that negotiators must now prioritize core issues and remove redundancies from the negotiating text to remain on track for an ambitious outcome at COP 21 in December.

A group of international organisations calls on the EU to ensure that all external climate actions respect and promote human rights, aligning the EU Strategic Framework and Action Plan on Human Rights and Democracy with international obligations and the goals of the UNFCCC.

A group of organisations calls on the European Union to ensure that its external actions on climate change fully respect and promote human rights. The letter highlights the importance of maintaining human rights language in the 2015 international climate treaty and suggests that the EU's Strategic Framework and Action Plan on Human Rights and Democracy should explicitly support these objectives.

The We Mean Business Coalition advocates for a global climate agreement that limits temperature rises to below 2C, emphasizing the need for a net-zero emissions goal, scalable climate finance, and increased short-term ambition through the UNFCCC Workstream 2. The coalition argues that bold climate action represents a historic economic opportunity, noting that some low-carbon investments have achieved an internal rate of return (IRR) of 27%.

Richard Branson and B Team leaders advocate for a global commitment to net-zero greenhouse-gas emissions by 2050, arguing that this target is necessary to avoid the most catastrophic consequences of climate change. The statement calls for a meaningful price on carbon and the redirection of fossil fuel subsidies toward renewables, emphasizing that bold government commitments in Paris will drive business innovation and investment.

The Dhaka Roundtable brought together experts to discuss the future of the WTO in the face of evolving global trade patterns, such as the rise of mega-trade blocs and global value chains. Key deliberations focused on the viability of plurilateral negotiations as an alternative to the stalled Doha Round, the search for a permanent solution to public food stockholding, and the necessity of strengthening special and differential treatment (S&DT) for LDCs. Participants emphasized that LDCs face significant barriers to participating in global value chains, with LDCs accounting for only 8% of total value added. The summary also outlines the need to implement the Bali LDC Package, specifically regarding duty-free and quota-free market access and the operationalization of the services waiver, to ensure trade serves as a vehicle for socio-economic development post-2015.

The document argues that climate change is the greatest health threat of the 21st century and urges the health sector to adopt a 'divest-invest' framework to shift financial resources from fossil fuels to renewable energy. It calls for the declaration of climate change as a global public health emergency and urges health leaders to advocate for a fair international climate agreement in 2015.

The paper examines the shift in global trade governance from the WTO toward 'mega-regional' agreements like the TPP and TTIP, which establish new norms on issues such as the environment and labour. It warns that South Africa risks investment deflection and isolation if it continues a blocking strategy in the WTO while other BRICS nations, particularly China, consider engaging with these new frameworks. The author recommends that South Africa use regional initiatives like the Tripartite Free Trade Area to experiment with new regulatory agendas and proactively propose plurilateral initiatives within the WTO.

The document details a policy dialogue session aimed at transitioning Manitoba to a green economy. It identifies four priority sectors—water, energy, the built environment, and transportation—and outlines specific barriers and policy tools needed to foster sustainable economic growth. Key recommendations include the use of renewable energy performance standards, green procurement, and specialized workforce training, while emphasizing the need for a coherent vision and the inclusion of diverse stakeholders, including Northern and aboriginal communities.

The document critiques the use of neopatrimonialism to explain African states and proposes the Strategic Relational Approach (SRA) as a more nuanced lens. Applying this to Mauritius, the author describes a 'deliberative democratic developmental state' where trade policy is an outcome of interaction between government, the private sector, and civil society. This collaborative framework, managed by the Trade Policy Unit and the Joint Public Private Sector Committee on International Trade Issues, allows Mauritius to align domestic interests with its positions at the World Trade Organization (WTO). The paper concludes with lessons for other African states on balancing domestic constituencies and including disadvantaged groups in policymaking.

The report examines how ICTs impact sustainability across first, second, and third-order effects. It criticizes the Rio+20 summit for failing to systematically address the information society and calls for a new, multistakeholder approach to bridge the paradigm gap between the ICT and sustainable development communities.

The document assesses the transition from the GATT's 'gentleman's club' model to the WTO's formal rules-based system, highlighting how the principles of consensus and the Single Undertaking have become obstacles to progress. It argues that the rise of emerging economies and the increased complexity of trade issues—including domestic regulation and climate change—have rendered the current system obsolete. The author evaluates several reform options, including weighted voting, an executive committee, and plurilateral agreements, ultimately suggesting that a 'critical mass' or plurilateral approach may be the most practical way to maintain the WTO's relevance.

The author argues that while China's economic decline (the 'Chindown') creates concern, the BRICS grouping remains vital due to its collective weight—representing 25% of global GDP and 45% of the world's population. The group is evolving from a set of economic growth projections into a political economy force, asserting itself in multilateral engagements such as the WTO and G20. Key actions include efforts to trade in national currencies to reduce reliance on the US dollar and pledging funds to the IMF to push for governance and quota reforms. Despite challenges like a lack of cohesive identity and fragile trade linkages, the BRICS are expanding cooperation into food security, sustainable development, and energy.

The briefing argues that Shell exerts significant influence over the Rio+20 process by occupying senior leadership roles in a 'complex and hermetic web' of interlinked business associations and UN-affiliated initiatives. It details Shell's presence in the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC), World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD), UN Global Compact, IPIECA, and IETA, highlighting how these entities coordinate through Business Action for Sustainable Development 2012 (BASD) to shape sustainable development policy.

A coalition of international, regional, and local NGOs calls on the Human Rights Council to renew the mandate of the Special Procedure regarding the impact of hazardous substances and wastes on human rights. The document argues that the mismanagement of toxic products severely impacts the rights to health, an adequate standard of living, and life, often beginning with a violation of the right to access information. It highlights a gap in existing international chemical instruments, such as the Basel, Stockholm, and Rotterdam Conventions, which do not examine human rights effects, and positions the Special Procedure as critical for mainstreaming human rights into these frameworks and institutions.

The document identifies four primary areas of focus for the COP5 meeting in Geneva: the potential banning of the pesticide endosulfan, the elimination of newly listed persistent organic pollutants (POPs) and the review of DDT and lindane exemptions, the improvement of the Convention's effectiveness regarding compliance and voting, and the closing of the funding gap for developing countries. It also notes the United States' status as an observer and the legislative hurdles preventing its ratification of the treaty.

The briefing examines the status of the BTWC in Africa during the Seventh Review Conference in December 2011. It highlights that while 37 African countries are States Parties, several others have either signed without ratifying or remain non-members. The author argues that universalisation is hindered by a lack of resources and domestic legislation, and suggests that the BTWC should be framed within a developmental context to increase engagement. Key recommendations include strengthening the Implementation Support Unit (ISU), improving biosafety measures in African laboratories, and engaging the African Union to address the perception that weapons of mass destruction (WMD) are primarily a concern of the developed world.