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The text examines the global decline of trust in democracy, linking it to economic inequality, technological shifts, and social transformation. It positions Green politics as a solution to this crisis through the promotion of active citizenship, the creation of a socially just and sustainable vision of prosperity to replace fossil-fuel-based social democracy, and the democratic reform of the European Union.

The author argues that right-wing populist parties in Europe are replacing outright climate denial with a 'green patriotism' that frames environmental protection as a nationalist and identitarian project. Using the Spanish party Vox and the French Rassemblement National (RN) as primary examples, the text describes how these parties reject 'globalist' climate policies and international cooperation in favor of national energy autarky, localism, and the preservation of national 'natural heritage'. This shift is presented as a strategic move to appeal to working-class voters and a way to integrate environmental concerns into a broader civilizational conflict between nationalist and globalist worldviews.

The briefing highlights a growing trade in natural gas liquids (NGLs), specifically ethane and propane, from US fracking basins to European petrochemical plants. It contends that because several European countries have banned fracking, the reliance on US imports creates a loophole where emissions are outsourced. The author urges the European Commission to ensure the EU Methane Regulation covers the entire supply chain and includes petrochemical feedstocks to avoid undermining emissions reductions and health policies.

The document examines the growth of the transatlantic trade in natural gas liquids (NGLs), specifically ethane and propane, from the US to Europe. It contends that this trade allows European plastics producers to bypass domestic fracking bans and climate regulations, effectively offshoring the high greenhouse gas emissions associated with extraction and transport. The author calls for the EU to expand its Methane Regulation, Emissions Trading System (ETS), and Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) to cover the full petrochemical supply chain and imports.

The authors contend that circular economy solutions are indispensable for decarbonization, as resource extraction and processing account for half of global greenhouse gas emissions. They highlight the growth of the USD 315 billion global waste trade and the energy efficiency of secondary materials, which can require up to 90% less energy than primary resources. The paper advocates for government incentives to value waste, the adoption of product longevity strategies to reduce carbon footprints—particularly in electronics—and the use of bilateral and regional free trade agreements to establish standards for circular products. The authors call for the WTO to create climate-friendly rules to eliminate tariffs and non-tariff barriers that currently restrain the trade of circular goods and services.

The report finds that France's Plan de relance largely neglects natural capital, with 47% of its budget categorized as neutral or impossible to assess regarding biodiversity. While 28% of the budget is expected to have a positive impact—primarily through climate mitigation—25% is expected to have a negative impact due to support for environmentally damaging industries and company tax reductions. The authors recommend implementing environmental conditionality for funds and adopting nature-based solutions to ensure long-term economic resilience.

The document provides a multi-expert critique of COP26, noting that while the summit completed the Paris Agreement rule book and secured net zero commitments for 90% of the world, it failed to secure a 'grand bargain' for coal with India or a loss and damage fund. It highlights the $8.5 billion just transition deal for South Africa as a potential model but warns that developed nations have failed to meet the $100 billion annual finance goal. Experts argue that the summit ignored the critical role of oceans in carbon absorption and failed to address the resource-intensive economic systems driving global warming.

The document advocates for a 'whole-of-government' approach to climate change in Canada, defined as the use of governance structures (like cabinet committees) and processes (like mandate letters) to coordinate action across departmental silos. Through case studies of the UK, US, and British Columbia, it identifies that success depends on sustained executive leadership, adequate resources, and empowered personnel. It warns that such structures are fragile and can be easily dismantled by changes in government. For Canada, the brief recommends establishing a Prime Minister-chaired Cabinet Committee on Climate Change and Net Zero, supported by a high-level coordinating Secretariat in the Privy Council or Prime Minister's Office.

Carbon Market Watch criticises the IMO's slow progress on shipping emissions and the insufficiency of its 2030 energy efficiency targets. It highlights a growing coalition of countries and companies calling for zero emissions by 2050 and advocates for a strong market-based measure, specifically a carbon levy, to bridge the price gap between fossil and sustainable fuels and support climate justice.

The author views COP26 as a success because it produced concrete roadmaps and integrated climate action into global trade, foreign aid, and finance. Key examples include a US-EU agreement on steel and aluminium decarbonization, a multi-billion dollar partnership to help South Africa phase out coal, and a private finance coalition mobilizing $130 trillion for 2050 net-zero targets. The author notes that if these commitments are realized, warming could be limited to 1.8 °C. For Canada, the author emphasizes the importance of the federal net-zero law requiring a national emissions reduction plan by the end of December 2021.

The statement calls for an immediate end to the financing of conventional and unconventional oil and gas expansion in France. It contrasts the recommendations of French regulators (ACPR and AMF) with the actions of Minister Bruno Le Maire and major banks like BNP Paribas, which it claims maintain the status quo. While some investors and banks like La Banque Postale and Crédit Mutuel have committed to ending support for new projects, the document asserts that many others use 'diversion strategies' or flawed policies to continue backing oil and gas majors, specifically TotalEnergies.

The report evaluates 33 major European retailers on their aquaculture procurement practices. It finds a systemic failure to address ecological and social challenges, with 76% of retailers falling into a 'red zone' of insufficient action. Key failures include a lack of targets to eliminate wild-catch fishmeal and fish oil (FMFO) from feed, inadequate fish welfare monitoring, and poor transparency regarding the origin of products. While some UK and French retailers show slight progress, retailers in Spain, Austria, and Switzerland performed particularly poorly.

The report finds that the majority of European retailers are failing to implement substantive policies for sustainable aquaculture. Three-quarters of the 33 retailers assessed were placed in the 'red zone', with none achieving 'frontrunner' status. Key failures include a lack of targets to eliminate wild-caught fish from feed, inadequate fish welfare protections, and poor transparency in labelling and sourcing. While UK retailers showed more progressive approaches in feed and welfare, and some French and German retailers joined industry initiatives, Spanish retailers performed the worst, with all 11 assessed companies landing in the red zone.

The report evaluates 33 major European supermarket chains across six countries on three priority areas: the elimination of wild fish in aquaculture feed, the monitoring of fish mortality, and supply chain transparency. The findings indicate a widespread failure to implement responsible practices, with 76% of retailers falling into the 'red zone' due to a lack of relevant policies. While some UK and French retailers show more progress, no company achieved the 'at the forefront' status. The report highlights the negative externalities of the industry, such as the extraction of over half a million tonnes of fish from West African waters annually for feed, which undermines local food security.

The report evaluates 33 European retailers across three priority areas: the elimination of wild fish in aquaculture feed, the monitoring of fish mortality, and supply chain transparency. It finds that 76% of the companies are in the 'red zone,' indicating a near total lack of substantive policies. No retailer achieved 'Leader' status in any category. While some UK and French retailers show more progress, Spanish supermarkets performed exceptionally poorly, with all 11 evaluated companies in the red zone. Key issues identified include the impact of fish meal and fish oil (FMFO) on West African food security and a general failure to provide transparent labeling to consumers.

The report finds that European retailers are failing to perform adequate due diligence on their farmed fish supply chains, with 76% landing in a 'red zone' of poor performance. No surveyed retailer has a clear target to eliminate wild-caught fish in feed, and none have policies to blacklist farms with high mortality rates. While some UK retailers show progress in transparency through the Ocean Disclosure Project, overall industry standards for fish welfare and labelling remain inadequate, often relying on insufficient third-party certifications.

The report finds that while 2021 TACs show slight improvement over 2020, the EU and UK missed the 2020 deadline to end overfishing. Over 40% of analyzed TACs for 2021 still exceeded scientific advice. The analysis reveals a persistent lack of ambition for stocks based on precautionary advice compared to MSY-based advice, and for bycatch stocks compared to target stocks. It also highlights systemic failures in transparency and the improper implementation of the landing obligation, which risks further overfishing.

The briefing finds that sectoral pledges on methane, coal, transport, and deforestation could close the 2030 emissions gap by approximately 9% (2.2 GtCO2e), though global emissions would still remain nearly twice as high as necessary for a 1.5°C pathway. The Global Methane Pledge and the Glasgow Leaders’ Declaration on Forests and Land Use offer the highest likely impacts, while the coal and electric vehicle initiatives provide minimal additional reductions due to limited signatory participation or delayed phase-out timelines.

The report critiques the GFANZ network, noting that while it represents over a third of the world's investable capital, its guidelines are riddled with loopholes. Key failures include the lack of mandatory absolute emission targets, the omission of fossil fuel restrictions in the Race to Zero criteria, and a reliance on 'analysis paralysis' through complex financed emissions accounting. The author recommends that alliances mandate the cessation of financial services for new fossil fuel supply and require clients to adopt robust phase-out plans for coal, oil, and gas.

The document details a three-phase transition to a hydrogen economy in Estonia: immediate actions (2021-2025), scaling (2025-2030), and wide-scale adoption (2030-2050). Key goals include deploying over 300 MW of local electrolysis capacity by 2030 and achieving a hydrogen price of approximately 1.9 EUR/kg by 2030. The strategy focuses on decarbonizing hard-to-abate sectors such as heavy-duty transport, shipping, aviation, and chemical industries (specifically ammonia and methanol production). It identifies significant barriers, including the lack of a dedicated hydrogen strategy, insufficient renewable energy capacity, and missing regulatory frameworks for storage and distribution.