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The report finds that while most thematic bonds meet standards, approximately 25% of green bonds and 6% of social and sustainability bonds priced in 2022 were excluded from Climate Bonds databases due to insufficient information or non-aligned Use of Proceeds (UoP). Key issues include the allocation of funds to general working capital in China, the inclusion of roads in social and sustainability frameworks in Japan, and inadequate building standards in the USA and Germany.

In Belgium, Green parties in government are addressing a social crisis driven by soaring electricity and gas prices through a three-pronged approach: emergency support for vulnerable households and companies, structural income protections, and investments in the energy transition. Key measures include a 'social rate' price cap for the lowest 20% of the population, a ban on energy disconnections, and the use of windfall taxes on energy companies to fund offshore wind developments and building renovations. The strategy aims to reduce dependence on Russian gas and achieve carbon neutrality while ensuring social justice and the 'power to live with dignity'.

The report examines the failures of water privatisation in Europe, citing infrastructure decay and high profits in the UK and France, while highlighting successful re-municipalisation in Paris and public resistance in Greece, Ireland, and Italy. It advocates for public ownership and cross-border cooperation to manage water as a public security issue and a public good, rather than a commodity, to effectively adapt to climate change.

The author contends that Europe's energy scarcity is a long-term reality that cannot be solved by new fossil fuels or nuclear power, necessitating a shift toward 'energy sobriety'. This approach distinguishes itself from energy efficiency by focusing on the fair distribution of energy reduction rather than technical innovation. The text explores historical precedents for rationing in France and the Netherlands to argue that collective sufficiency is feasible. Proposed mechanisms for a just transition include progressive energy tariffs—where essential use is cheap and misuse is expensive—and personal carbon quotas to ensure equitable distribution and prevent social conflict during the energy transition.

The report examines the impact of housing commodification in European cities, contrasting the neoliberal policies of the UK and Germany with the social housing models of Vienna, France, and Barcelona. It highlights how public investment and political commitment to housing as a human right, rather than a market asset, lead to lower rent burdens and better urban quality of life.

Mighty Earth's October 2022 investigation reveals that Carrefour continued to sell beef from suspended JBS slaughterhouses in Brazil, particularly through its Atacadão and Sam's Club stores. Despite public claims of suspending suppliers in Rondônia, the group's supply chain remains heavily dependent on JBS, with 27% of identified beef products coming from ten slaughterhouses linked to recent deforestation. The report also highlights illegal fires at the Fazenda Rondon property supplying JBS and criticizes Carrefour's 2026 strategy as lacking ambition and transparency regarding both beef and soy sourcing.

The author argues that the Brothers of Italy (FdI) won the 2022 Italian elections not through ideology, but by promising security and a stronger state during a period of energy crisis and war. While the centre-right coalition shared a platform, FdI distinguished itself by prioritizing energy security, a presidential system, and cutting spending—including the abolition of green renovation grants—which aligned with voter priorities over climate action or immigration. Conversely, the centre-left failed by focusing on discrediting opponents rather than offering credible alternatives on economic intervention and social liberalism.

The letter asserts that the Energy Charter Treaty's modernisation process is insufficient, as it maintains investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanisms and protects fossil fuel assets for at least a decade in the EU and UK. It notes that several EU Member States, representing over 70% of the EU population, have already announced their withdrawal. The authors urge the European Commission to facilitate a coordinated EU withdrawal to avoid legal limbo and prevent fossil fuel investors from hindering climate action.

The document criticizes ENGIE's coal phase-out strategy, claiming the company avoids genuine decarbonization by selling coal plants to third parties or converting them to fossil gas and solid biomass. It highlights specific asset sales in Europe, Brazil, and Morocco, and conversions in Chile, arguing these actions are not aligned with a 1.5°C trajectory and risk ecological damage.

Reclaim Finance criticizes ENGIE for its 'false' coal exit strategy, which involves selling coal plants to third parties or converting them to biomass and fossil gas. The document highlights specific cases in Germany, the Netherlands, Brazil, Morocco, and Chile, arguing that these actions avoid corporate responsibility for environmental damage and fail to align with a 1.5 °C warming trajectory.

The Climate Change Performance Index 2023 finds that none of the 60 largest emitters are on a 1.5°C pathway, leaving the top three ranks unoccupied. Denmark is the current frontrunner, leading in almost all categories, while China and the US are categorized as 'very low' performers. The report highlights a wide disparity in performance among EU countries and identifies Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Kazakhstan as the worst overall performers due to heavy oil reliance and weak renewable energy adoption.

The Institute for Economic Justice criticizes the $8.5-billion Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) in South Africa, arguing that its reliance on loans and private-sector 'de-risking' rather than grants will increase energy costs and benefit foreign investors while neglecting local manufacturing and worker protections. The document further condemns the secretive nature of the negotiations, which it claims undermines procedural justice and excludes key stakeholders.

The Institute for Economic Justice argues that South Africa's JETP is a flawed climate finance model that relies heavily on loans rather than grants, benefiting private Independent Power Producers (IPPs) while leaving the state with the financial risk. The author contends that the deal lacks transparency, fails to adequately fund the localization of the renewable energy value chain, and provides insufficient social security for workers in the coal belt.

The E4N partnership, a collaboration between the Green Economy Coalition, Capitals Coalition, Green Growth Knowledge Partnership, and WWF France, worked to make 'natural capital-based green economies' a global best practice. The partnership focused on creating tools for measuring nature's value, convening multistakeholder networks, and advocating for the inclusion of nature in economic decision-making. Key achievements include the development of the Green Economy Tracker, the establishment of Business for Nature, and the integration of natural capital into the EU Green Deal and African development finance. While the report notes a shift toward 'nature-positive economies,' it highlights persistent challenges in data quality and capacity, as well as a gap between government rhetoric and actual policy implementation during COVID-19 green recovery efforts.

The document analyzes the momentum behind the 30x30 goal to protect 30% of the world's land and marine areas by 2030, noting the roles of the High Ambition Coalition for Nature and People and the Global Ocean Alliance. It highlights the influence of the UN Ocean Conference and the upcoming CBD COP15 on COP27, suggesting that while the 30x30 framework will be settled after COP27, the summit may see new country commitments and policies regarding forests and marine resources.

Superhot rock energy involves tapping into Earth's deep heat (400°C or hotter) to produce high-density, zero-carbon power. While current geothermal is limited to specific volcanic regions, superhot rock could be accessed worldwide through deep drilling. The report identifies critical engineering needs in drilling, reservoir creation, and materials, suggesting that leveraging unconventional oil and gas expertise could accelerate commercialization.

The report finds that 15 major meat and dairy companies produce combined methane emissions of 12.8 million tonnes, representing 11.1% of global livestock-related methane. These emissions exceed the total methane footprints of countries like Russia, Canada, and Australia. The authors highlight a severe lack of corporate transparency, noting that 60% of the analyzed companies fail to report total supply chain (scope 3) emissions. The report criticizes governments for relying on 'techno fixes' like anaerobic digesters rather than reducing livestock numbers, and calls for binding targets and a just transition toward agroecology.

The report estimates that five major meat and ten major dairy companies emit approximately 12.8 million tonnes of methane, representing 11.1% of global anthropogenic methane emissions from livestock. These companies' total greenhouse gas emissions (734 million tonnes CO2 equivalent) exceed those of Germany. The authors highlight a significant lack of transparency, noting that 60% of these companies do not report full supply chain (Scope 3) emissions, and none report supply-chain methane. The document calls for mandatory emissions disclosure and a reduction in livestock numbers to meet the 1.5°C global warming limit.

The report finds that 15 major meat and dairy companies emit approximately 12.8 million tonnes of methane, representing 3.4% of global anthropogenic methane emissions and 11.1% of livestock-related methane. These combined emissions exceed the methane footprints of several countries, including Russia, Canada, Australia, and Germany. The authors highlight a pervasive lack of corporate transparency, noting that 60% of the companies fail to report total GHGs or scope 3 emissions, and none report supply chain methane. The report calls for mandatory reporting, binding reduction targets, and a systemic shift away from industrial animal agriculture.

The report estimates that five of the largest meat companies and ten of the largest dairy corporations emit approximately 12.8 million tonnes of methane, representing 3.4% of global anthropogenic methane emissions and 11.1% of global livestock methane. Total greenhouse gas emissions for these companies reach 734 million tonnes of CO2 equivalent, exceeding Germany's national emissions. The authors highlight a lack of corporate transparency, noting that 60% of the analyzed companies do not report total emissions or Scope 3 emissions, and none reported supply chain methane. The report calls for binding reduction targets, mandatory reporting, and a systemic shift toward agroecology to meet the 1.5°C global warming limit.