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The WTO's moratorium on customs duties for electronic transmissions, first established in 1998, has been extended until March 31, 2026, or the 14th Ministerial Conference. The authors argue that the end of this moratorium would likely lead to a fragmented 'patchwork' of regional and bilateral trade agreements, increasing costs for consumers and businesses. Developing countries have opposed the moratorium to reclaim 'policy space' and recover lost customs revenues, which one 2020 study estimated at USD 10 billion annually for developing nations, though OECD estimates are significantly lower. The document highlights a critical lack of a common definition for 'electronic transmissions,' which complicates the implementation of any replacement regulatory framework.

Mighty Earth argues that a new law in Mato Grosso, Brazil, which penalizes companies participating in the Soy Moratorium by restricting tax benefits, undermines efforts to prevent deforestation in the Amazon and Cerrado. The organization highlights that the Soy Moratorium, established in 2006, contributed to a 69% reduction in deforestation across 76 monitored municipalities between 2009 and 2022. The statement warns that this legislative move threatens corporate deforestation-free commitments and conflicts with international regulations like the EUDR.

The document outlines six 'reframes' for COP29: shifting from geopolitical fragmentation to coalition building, adopting reality-based financing based on granular data, prioritizing fast action via methane reduction, diversifying power decarbonization with clean firm power, treating climate as a system-wide infrastructure problem, and moving from target-setting to detailed pathway planning.

The document expresses concern over the proposed separation of the ocean portfolio from the environment portfolio in the new European Commission. The signatories argue that placing the Commissioner-designate for Fisheries and Oceans under the Vice-President for Cohesion and Reforms breaks critical links between ocean health, energy, and climate. They advocate for the Ocean Commissioner to instead be guided by the Executive Vice President for Clean, Just, and Competitive Transition to support the success of a proposed European Oceans Pact.

The European Union is finalizing its COP29 position, focusing on securing a new global climate finance target to replace the expiring $100 billion annual commitment and advocating for a 90% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2040. The EU intends to push for increased funding for developing countries, encourage contributions from highly polluting nations like China, and seek specific phase-out dates for coal, gas, and oil.

The BRICS bloc is reaching a milestone where non-fossil power capacity is set to exceed fossil-fueled capacity for the first time in 2024. While the group hosts a significant portion of the world's coal fleet and continues to develop new fossil plants, there is a massive pipeline of wind and solar projects. The report finds that the BRICS countries have enough renewables in development to nearly triple their capacity by 2030, though the actual construction rate varies significantly by member, with China leading the transition.

The paper examines the potential for Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa to implement a single monetary unit to reduce reliance on the US dollar and enhance trade. Using the Optimal Currency Areas (OCA) framework, it identifies significant barriers, including non-synchronous economic cycles, lack of fiscal integration, and diverse political systems. While the move could shift global financial power away from the US and EU, the author warns that China's economic dominance and the varying needs of members like India and Russia create complex challenges. The paper recommends a phased approach to integration, focusing on institutional strengthening and risk mitigation.

The paper examines the potential for a unified BRICS currency to enhance economic stability and challenge the dominance of the US dollar and euro, while highlighting significant risks stemming from economic divergence and political mistrust. Using the Optimal Currency Areas (OCA) framework, it argues that the lack of fiscal integration and synchronised business cycles among member states poses a major barrier to implementation. The author recommends a phased approach to integration and the strengthening of institutional frameworks to mitigate these risks.

The briefing examines the design and implementation of a fossil fuel extraction levy, comparing four specific proposals: the Windfall Profits Tax, the Climate Damages Tax, the Multilateral Carbon Tax Treaty, and the Wellhead Carbon Tax. It argues that levies based on carbon content are more effective at discouraging production and providing stable revenue than those based on windfall profits. The authors highlight tensions between the goals of revenue generation and emission reduction, noting that high revenues could create a moral hazard by incentivizing continued extraction. The document also discusses implementation challenges in low-income countries, such as 'stabilization clauses' in contracts and the opacity of national oil companies. To encourage adoption, the authors suggest mechanisms similar to the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism, where importing countries impose taxes if exporting countries fail to do so.

The 2024 BRICS Summit is expected to focus on integrating new members and defining the role of 'partner countries' rather than further expansion. Key economic goals include increasing trade in local currencies to reduce dollar reliance and streamlining payments via the BRICS Cross-Border Payments Initiative. The document highlights opportunities for coordination between BRICS, the G20, and the G7, particularly with Brazil and South Africa holding leadership roles in 2025. On climate, BRICS is expected to reaffirm support for the Paris Agreement and a just transition that allows for the continued use of fossil fuels for energy security, while potentially introducing a new framework for sustainable development and carbon market projects.

The document highlights a contradiction between the desire of French and European citizens to support the ecological transition and the reality that their savings are invested by financial institutions into fossil fuels. It identifies a lack of transparency and poor accessibility as the primary obstacles to sustainable saving.

The bioeconomy, currently valued at USD 4 trillion and projected to reach USD 30 trillion by 2050, is interpreted through three primary lenses: biotechnology, bio-resources, and bio-ecology. While Global North countries like the US, China, and India prioritise biotechnology for economic growth, the EU and regions like the Amazon emphasise sustainability and equity. Brazil is a central actor, launching the G20 Initiative on Bioeconomy (GIB) and implementing national strategies to protect the Amazon. The document highlights that without inclusive frameworks—such as the 'sociobioeconomy' approach—the bioeconomy risks exacerbating social inequalities and environmental degradation. It details successful funding models including payments for ecosystem services in Costa Rica and Mexico, and benefit-sharing for genetic resources via Brazil's SisGen system.

The document identifies operational, financial, and market barriers to gas-capture projects and proposes a framework for the EU's 'You Collect We Buy' initiative to overcome them through better data, risk-sharing financing, and a credible certification system.

A coalition of civil society organisations calls on EU authorities to reject a proposed twelve-month delay to the EU deforestation-free products regulation (EUDR), arguing that such a postponement undermines the European Green Deal and rewards companies profiting from environmental destruction.

A joint open letter from civil society organizations criticizes the Draghi report for neglecting the societal and environmental costs of the chemicals industry, misrepresenting EU regulatory processes like REACH, and overlooking the availability of safer alternatives to PFAS.

The report outlines a roadmap for hydrogen developers to navigate the 45V tax credit requirements in the United States. It focuses on four 'pillars' of compliance: regionality, hourly matching, incrementality, and attribute tradeability. The document argues that while hourly matching of clean electricity is challenging, it can be achieved through a combination of advanced registries, bilateral hourly contracts, optimized electrolyzer sizing, and sophisticated real-time operational strategies. It emphasizes the role of Energy Attribute Certificates (EACs) and suggests that the industry can leverage existing grid data and forecasting tools to prove compliance and manage the intermittency of renewable energy.

The DRC and Zambia are attempting to transition from extractive economies to value-added battery producers to support the global green transition. While they possess critical reserves of cobalt and copper, their efforts are complicated by a history of privatization, problematic governance, and a geopolitical tug-of-war between the USA and China. To succeed, both nations must expand local processing capacity and improve infrastructure, such as the Lobito Corridor, while managing the social and environmental impacts of mining.

The document examines industrialisation trends in Africa, identifying South Africa, Morocco, and Egypt as leaders while highlighting the challenges of commodity dependence and premature deindustrialisation. It analyzes specific success stories in Ethiopia's textiles, Rwanda's ICT, and Ghana's automotive sectors, and argues for structuralist policies and increased EU support for green industries and climate finance to accelerate the transition.

Romania's hard coal mines in the Jiu Valley are significantly exceeding the EU's upcoming methane intensity limits, with 2022 levels at 14.9 tonnes per kilotonne of coal compared to a 2027 limit of 5 tonnes. To avoid penalties, the document suggests Romania improve its degassing efficiency from 25% to at least 50% and implement Abandoned Mine Methane (AMM) projects, similar to those used in Germany, Poland, France, and Russia.

Romania's coal mines, particularly in the Valea Jiului region, face potential sanctions under the EU Methane Regulation due to emission levels significantly exceeding the 5 tonnes per kiloton limit set for 2027. In 2022, emissions in Valea Jiului averaged 14.9 tonnes per kiloton. To avoid non-compliance, the document suggests improving degasification efficiency—which is currently 25% compared to up to 60% in countries like Poland and Germany—and implementing 'mined methane from abandoned mines' (MMA) projects, as Romania has 173 closed underground mines that remain untapped.