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Romania's hard coal mines in the Jiu Valley are significantly exceeding the EU's upcoming methane intensity limits, with 2022 levels at 14.9 tonnes per kilotonne of coal compared to a 2027 limit of 5 tonnes. To avoid penalties, the document suggests Romania improve its degassing efficiency from 25% to at least 50% and implement Abandoned Mine Methane (AMM) projects, similar to those used in Germany, Poland, France, and Russia.

Romania's coal mines, particularly in the Valea Jiului region, face potential sanctions under the EU Methane Regulation due to emission levels significantly exceeding the 5 tonnes per kiloton limit set for 2027. In 2022, emissions in Valea Jiului averaged 14.9 tonnes per kiloton. To avoid non-compliance, the document suggests improving degasification efficiency—which is currently 25% compared to up to 60% in countries like Poland and Germany—and implementing 'mined methane from abandoned mines' (MMA) projects, as Romania has 173 closed underground mines that remain untapped.

Romania faces potential penalties under the EU Methane Regulation as three of its four active underground hard coal mines in the Jiu Valley exceed the EU's methane intensity threshold. Despite reporting zero hard coal production to the EU in 2022, the state-owned Jiu Valley Energy Complex (CEVJ) continued production, with plans to increase output to 2,000 tonnes per day by June 2024. The report highlights that coal mine methane (CMM) emissions added 72% to the climate impact of burning hard coal at the Paroseni power plant in 2022. While methane capture is technically viable, Romania's average degassing efficiency was only 25% in 2019. Furthermore, Romania has failed to implement any Abandoned Mine Methane (AMM) projects across its 173 closed mines, despite such practices being common in Germany and France.

The document traces a series of Romanian protest waves, starting with the 2013 Rosia Montana anti-mining movement and the 2015 Colectiv nightclub fire protests, which challenged government corruption and systemic failures. It argues that these movements helped citizens overcome a historical fear of state repression dating back to the 1990-1991 Mineriade, eventually leading to the rise of centre-right parties like USR and PLUS. The author notes that while these new parties adopted some green policies, the formal Green party in Romania remains weak due to the continued dominance of the Social Democrats (PSD) and internal organizational issues.