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The document analyzes the difficulties in establishing the Global Compact for Migration (GCM) compared to the Global Compact on Refugees, citing domestic political pressures, populism, and a lack of UN leadership. It highlights the unequal nature of migration negotiations between the African Union and the European Union, where the EU prioritizes border control while African nations focus on development. The author critiques the GCM's zero draft as a non-binding 'wish list' that lacks accountability mechanisms, though it notes the potential of its proposed capacity-building mechanism to support African regional migration goals.

The document warns that without a 550gCO2/kWh limit on capacity payments, Europe's 256 operational coal plants could be 'supercharged', potentially extending their design life from 40 to 60 years. It identifies multiple EU policy gaps—including low carbon prices, biomass co-firing, and mining cross-subsidies—that already favour coal. The author contends that poorly designed capacity markets risk crowding out flexible, low-carbon alternatives like batteries and demand-side response, arguing that clean capacity is already cheaper than extending old coal plants.

Tesco has committed to reducing its scope 1 and 2 emissions by 60% by 2025 and scope 3 emissions by 17% by 2030, both using a 2015 base-year. To achieve these goals, the company is implementing a costed renewable electricity roadmap and investing in energy and refrigeration efficiency, having already spent over £700 million since 2006. Tesco aims for 100% renewable electricity by 2030 and a net-zero carbon status by 2050, while managing specific challenges related to agricultural emissions, which constitute approximately 70% of its supply chain emissions.

The European automotive industry faces a 'perfect storm' of disruption driven by climate change, autonomous driving, and shared mobility. While Europe was the cradle of the car, it is now lagging behind competitors like Tesla and Chinese manufacturers in electric vehicle (EV) production and battery technology. The author criticizes EU policymakers for being too lax and suggests that the Greens are well-positioned to help steer the industry toward a sustainable and competitive future through pragmatic dialogue and ambitious regulation.

The author contends that official EU democratic reforms are perpetually deferred and insufficient, leaving citizens without political agency. To counter the 'technocratic tide' and intergovernmental governance, the text proposes 'hacking' the 2019 European elections by organizing parallel, unofficial elections for a European Constituent Assembly. This assembly, consisting of approximately 200 representatives and randomly selected citizens, would serve as a civic power to draft a 'wiki-constitution' and initiate a wider process of citizens' assemblies. The goal is to establish a bottom-up democratic infrastructure that forces institutional change and offers a genuine alternative to either submission to powerful Member States or the abandonment of European integration.

The Science communicators programme is a workshop resource developed by Climate Outreach and the Tyndall Centre for Climate Change Research as part of the Helix project. It provides researchers with the science of climate change communication and practical exercises to build confidence when engaging with non-academic audiences. The content is based on workshops conducted with early career researchers in Europe from 2014 to 2017.

The paper analyzes various infrastructure banks, such as the European Investment Bank and the UK's Green Investment Bank, to identify effective financial instruments and operational models. It argues that infrastructure banks should prioritize financially viable, sustainable projects that offer high socioeconomic multipliers while avoiding the crowding out of private capital. Key recommendations include tapping capital markets, providing technical assistance for project preparation, and utilizing risk-sharing instruments to leverage limited public resources.

The global green bond market reached a cumulative issuance of USD 521bn by 2018, with USD 167.6bn issued in 2018 alone. The USA, China, and France emerged as the leading national markets. The report highlights a significant increase in issuance from financial institutions, particularly commercial banks, and a growing trend toward shorter-dated bonds. While Europe remains the largest overall market, the Asia-Pacific region saw the highest year-on-year growth at 35%. The market is also diversifying into other labelled instruments, including sustainability, social, and blue bonds, and expanding into emerging markets through the adoption of regional standards like the ASEAN Green Bond Standards.

The document argues that the Global Compact for Migration (GCM) provides a framework to counter biased narratives that depict African migration as primarily a crisis of people fleeing to Europe, whereas over 80% of African migration is intra-continental. It emphasizes the need for integrated data systems to inform policy, though it notes challenges such as differing legal systems and the sensitivity of security data. The author recommends that African states develop national implementation roadmaps using a 'whole-of-government' approach, citing Kenya's National Coordination Mechanism as a best practice.

The document estimates that in 2016, 1.35 billion children lived in conflict-affected countries, with 357 million living in 'conflict zones' defined as within 50 km of a lethal conflict event. Asia has the highest absolute number of affected children, while the Middle East has the highest proportional risk. The number of children in conflict zones has increased by over 50% since the 1990s, with nearly half living in high-intensity conflict zones in 2016. The authors highlight a critical lack of systematic data on direct harms like killing and maiming, urging increased investment in data collection and targeted policy interventions.

The report examines the shift from individual-centric privacy concerns to the broader societal ethics of biometric technologies. It analyzes how the integration of biometric data into large-scale networked databases facilitates 'function creep,' where data collected for one purpose (e.g., humanitarian aid or refugee management) is repurposed for security and policing. Through case studies in the UK, EU, and India, the authors argue that biometrics are transforming human identity into 'coded' information, potentially eroding social trust, increasing exclusion for 'unreadable' bodies, and altering the relationship between the citizen and the state.

The report analyzes the climate-security nexus in the Eastern Mediterranean, identifying the region as a climate change hotspot where rising temperatures and water scarcity interact with fragile political structures. It highlights risks including domestic resource competition, potential conflicts over the Nile, Euphrates, and Tigris rivers, and increased migration toward Europe. The author argues that while conventional security threats currently dominate government agendas, the economic and physical impacts of climate change could trigger social unrest and regional instability. The report recommends increasing the visibility of economic risks to leaders and utilizing 'variable geometry' cooperation—combining inter-governmental frameworks like the Barcelona Convention with city-to-city and civil society networks—to foster regional adaptation.

The document provides a mapping of children living in conflict settings, distinguishing between those in conflict-affected countries and those in 'conflict zones' (within 50km of fighting). In 2017, approximately 1.8 billion children lived in conflict-affected countries, while 420 million lived in conflict zones. Asia has the highest absolute number of affected children, but the Middle East has the highest proportion relative to its population. The report also notes a rise in the number of children in conflict zones since 2000 and discusses the severe impact of the denial of humanitarian access, particularly in South Sudan, Yemen, Syria, and the Central African Republic.

The document argues that global agricultural production has declined by 1-5% per decade over the last 30 years due to climate change, necessitating an urgent transition to climate-resilient systems. It identifies critical risks, including heat stress, extreme weather, and pests, which disproportionately affect smallholder farmers and women in the tropics. The authors propose a roadmap based on five pillars: promoting resilient and low-emission technologies, expanding digital climate information, mobilizing innovative finance, strengthening farmer organizations, and delivering enabling policies. The paper highlights successful examples of 'no regret' options, such as stress-tolerant crop varieties and sustainable intensification, and emphasizes the need for context-specific, participatory approaches to scale these solutions.

The report assesses the feasibility of solar thermal systems in South African hospitals, finding a total annual thermal energy demand of 370 GWh for domestic hot water. While current adoption is very low—with only 23 systems totaling 1,333 m² of collector area—the study suggests hospitals could feasibly meet 20% to 40% of their thermal needs through solar thermal capacity. A case study at Paarl Provincial Hospital indicates a potential internal rate of return (IRR) of 10% and a payback period of 12.3 years. However, widespread uptake is hindered by the prevalence of energy-efficient heat pumps, high upfront costs, and infrastructure challenges such as asbestos roofing and limited roof space.

Friends of the Earth Europe and Latin America and Caribbean denounce the European Union Election Observation Mission (EU EOM) for legitimizing the 2017 Honduran general election results. The organization argues that the EU EOM minimized electoral irregularities and ignored the brutal state repression of peaceful protesters. They contend that President Juan Orlando Hernández's candidacy was unconstitutional and call for the EU EOM's final report to document human rights violations and the role of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) in the alleged fraud.

The 'Zagreb is OURS!' platform, established in February 2017, secured four seats in the Zagreb city assembly and significant representation in district and neighbourhood councils by employing a grassroots, participative approach to policy-making and campaigning. The movement sought to challenge the long-term authoritarian rule of Mayor Milan Bandić and the neoliberal policies of the Croatian Left through a strategy of 'one foot in the institutions, the other on the streets.' Its programme focused on sustainability, equality, and participation, specifically proposing reforms for waste management, public transport, and the decentralisation of decision-making power to local councils.

The document highlights a critical gap between the growing youth population in Africa and the creation of formal jobs, noting that only three million formal jobs are created annually against 10-12 million new entrants. It argues that structural hurdles—including poor education quality, lack of infrastructure for SMEs, and non-recognition of tertiary qualifications across borders—perpetuate youth unemployment and drive irregular migration to Europe. While citing positive regional examples in agro-processing, tourism, and tech hubs, the author calls for long-term sustainable policies and a shift in AU-EU relations toward legal circular migration pathways rather than a primary focus on security.

The author argues that the traditional vision of urban abundance is no longer realistic given systemic risks. By synthesizing theories from David Holmgren and the authors of 'Resilient Cities', the text outlines four potential futures: the Ecotechnic city (successful green transition), the Ecovillage city (radical semi-ruralization), the Enclaved city (authoritarian divide), and the Collapsed city (systemic breakdown). The author suggests that industrialized cities, including those in Europe, may soon reach a 'peak of urbanity' requiring a shift toward depopulation and economic relocalization.

The document contends that the widespread panic regarding 'populism' as a threat to democracy is misplaced because populism is often a secondary ideology. The author distinguishes between left-wing populists, who are generally not anti-pluralist, and the radical right, whose threat to liberal democracy is rooted in xenophobic nationalism and anti-immigration agendas. The text highlights that the real danger lies in the broader corrosion of fundamental freedoms and the rule of law, often adopted by mainstream parties in the name of national security and identity.