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The document examines how hybrid clean energy systems—specifically pairing solar generation with geothermal district heating and cooling—can address systemic energy injustices. It highlights that low-income communities and communities of color face higher risks from extreme heat and aging gas infrastructure, such as leaks in Massachusetts. The author advocates for a holistic approach, citing a Massachusetts pilot project that repurposes gas rights-of-way for geothermal networks and research from Croatia showing the efficiency of solar-geothermal hybrids. Such systems can reduce energy costs, eliminate methane emissions, and improve security through microgrid capabilities, provided that new market frameworks and data-processing technologies are implemented to manage the complexity of distributed energy systems.

The document traces a series of Romanian protest waves, starting with the 2013 Rosia Montana anti-mining movement and the 2015 Colectiv nightclub fire protests, which challenged government corruption and systemic failures. It argues that these movements helped citizens overcome a historical fear of state repression dating back to the 1990-1991 Mineriade, eventually leading to the rise of centre-right parties like USR and PLUS. The author notes that while these new parties adopted some green policies, the formal Green party in Romania remains weak due to the continued dominance of the Social Democrats (PSD) and internal organizational issues.

The Croatian parliamentary election of 5 July 2020 saw the conservative Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) maintain dominance, securing 66 seats. Despite a tight race predicted by polls, the HDZ benefited from a low voter turnout of 49.6% and the leadership of Andrej Plenković. The centre-left Restart coalition, led by the SDP, underperformed with 41 seats due to ageing policies and leadership issues. The far-right Homeland Movement gained 16 seats but failed to become a kingmaker. A significant outcome was the success of the green-left coalition Možemo, which won 7 mandates, marking the first sizeable green force in the Croatian parliament. Možemo's success is rooted in grassroots activism for environmental sustainability, social equality, and anti-corruption, serving as a potential model for similar movements in Montenegro and Serbia.

The report advocates for the use of nature-based solutions (NBS) in South African municipalities to address the dual crises of COVID-19 economic devastation and climate vulnerability. It highlights that while national green recovery plans exist, they often require high skills and long lead times. In contrast, NBS—particularly urban tree planting and the removal of invasive alien plants—can provide immediate, low-skill employment for vulnerable populations while mitigating urban heat islands, managing flood risks, and improving public health. The document identifies significant barriers to implementation, including municipal funding shortages, difficulties in quantifying the economic value of natural assets, and rigid public procurement processes.

The 'Zagreb is OURS!' platform, established in February 2017, secured four seats in the Zagreb city assembly and significant representation in district and neighbourhood councils by employing a grassroots, participative approach to policy-making and campaigning. The movement sought to challenge the long-term authoritarian rule of Mayor Milan Bandić and the neoliberal policies of the Croatian Left through a strategy of 'one foot in the institutions, the other on the streets.' Its programme focused on sustainability, equality, and participation, specifically proposing reforms for waste management, public transport, and the decentralisation of decision-making power to local councils.

The case study examines the trajectory of the Croatian Green party ORaH, which peaked at 16.8% approval in 2014 before collapsing to 0.6% after the 2016 elections. The author attributes this failure to a combination of strategic errors—such as supporting a candidate perceived as a satellite of the SDP—and internal structural weaknesses, including a lack of political experience among 80% of its members and an 'elitist' communication style. The text concludes that future Green success in Croatia requires a bottom-up organizational approach and stronger knowledge transfer from Western Green organizations.

The research paper examines the trajectory of Održivi razvoj Hrvatske (ORaH), the first green party in Croatia, which saw its popularity peak at 16.8% in 2014 before collapsing to 0.6% by 2016. The author attributes this failure to a combination of strategic political errors—specifically the decision to support incumbent President Ivo Josipović—and internal structural weaknesses, including a 'top-down' organizational approach and a lack of grassroots infrastructure. The text concludes that while there is a growing appetite for green ideas in Croatia and Southeast Europe, future success for green parties depends on building stable bases through grassroots movements rather than relying on the charisma of a single leader.

ORaH emerged in 2013 as a promising Green alternative in Croatia, peaking at a 16.8% approval rating in October 2014. However, the party suffered a steep decline, falling to 0.6% after the 2016 parliamentary elections. This failure is attributed to a combination of strategic miscalculations—specifically the decision to support incumbent Ivo Josipović in the presidential elections—and internal structural weaknesses, including a lack of political experience among 80% of its members and a 'top-down approach' that failed to build a grassroots base. The party was also perceived as a 'virtual party' and an 'SDP satellite', eventually being overtaken by other 'third option' parties like Živi zid and Most.