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The paper assesses the continuity of French Africa policy under President François Hollande and identifies opportunities for South Africa to partner with France. It suggests that while the two nations may differ on specific conflicts, their shared interests in democratic governance and security, combined with France's permanent seat on the UN Security Council and South Africa's influence in the African Union, create a strategic basis for collaboration.

The report documents IISD's contributions to the UN Internet Governance Forum (IGF) from 2008 to 2011. It details workshops that explored the co-evolution of Internet governance and global challenges, the development of indicators to measure the impact of ICTs on sustainable development, and the use of scenarios planning to anticipate future technological and social shifts. The document emphasizes the need for a broader multistakeholder approach that includes non-technical sectors—such as health, education, and environment—and highlights the importance of regional and national dialogue over purely global processes. It concludes with a toolkit of evidence- and consent-based tools for practitioners to facilitate public policy dialogue.

The document highlights Ethiopia's significant investment in infrastructure, spending $1.3 billion annually (10% of GDP), with a focus on energy and transport. It notes that Ethiopia requires 8700 megawatts of generating plant over the next decade to double its capacity. While Kenya is often seen as the regional anchor, the author argues that Ethiopia's growth rates since 2005/06 and its strategic importance make it a potential regional powerhouse. However, Ethiopia faces fundamental business challenges including foreign currency regulations, inflation, and a lack of competitiveness in its manufacturing sector, which contributes less than 10 percent of total merchandise exports.

The briefing examines food insecurity in Africa, highlighting that sub-Saharan countries are the most food insecure globally. It discusses the role of the Comprehensive African Agricultural Development Programme (CAADP), the G-8's New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition, and the challenges posed by trade barriers and the Doha Round impasse. The authors argue that while trade is essential, it must be part of a comprehensive policy package including agricultural investment and financial innovation to ensure long-term food security.

The authors find substantial support for the existence of democratic waves, arguing that they are driven by a combination of economic development, democratic diffusion from neighboring countries, the 'stickiness' of consistent institutional configurations, and systemic shocks such as world wars and the creation of new states.

The document examines the struggle of Chinese Economic and Trade Co-operation Zones (ETCZs) in Africa to become operational, identifying failures in implementation, infrastructure, and regulatory frameworks. While eight zones were approved across several African nations, only the zone in Egypt is fully operational. The author argues that these zones are hindered by a top-down Chinese approach, cultural barriers, and a lack of integrated industrial policies in host countries, contrasting their struggle with the relative success of private Chinese industrial zones.

The document examines how China uses state-owned media (Xinhua, CCTV, CRI) to challenge Western information monopolies and improve its international image in Africa. It traces the shift from Cold War ideological support to modern infrastructural assistance and commercial content delivery, while analyzing the challenges posed by African media market diversity and perceptions of Chinese censorship.

The document analyzes the first free presidential election in Egypt following the ousting of Hosni Mubarak. It identifies three front-running candidates—Amr Moussa, Mohammed Mursi, and Abdelmumein Al Futuh—and discusses the tension between continuity and change. The briefing highlights critical challenges for the incoming president, including high unemployment, the absence of a finalized constitution, and the influential role of the military in both politics and the economy. It also notes the interests of international actors, specifically the United States, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia, in the election's outcome.

The report details a conference on Sino-African Union cooperation in peace and security, exploring the intersection of China's economic engagement and Africa's security architecture. Key discussions focus on the 'African solutions to African problems' principle, the role of Regional Economic Communities (RECs) like ECOWAS and IGAD, and specific conflict zones such as the two Sudans and Somalia. While acknowledging China's role in infrastructure and condition-free aid, the report highlights concerns regarding environmental degradation, the influx of cheap goods, and the impact of arms supplies. It recommends a shift from ad-hoc crisis reaction to a proactive role for China, emphasizing capacity building for the AU's African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) and the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS).

The document analyzes the International Bar Association's Model Mining Development Agreement (MMDA 1.0), providing a template and narrative to ensure mining contracts promote sustainable development, transparency, and equitable resource distribution. It details key contractual areas including land tenure, royalties, taxation, and community obligations, while emphasizing the use of international standards like the IFC Performance Standards and EITI. Additionally, the report investigates the existence of similar model agreements for the oil and gas sector, concluding that no internationally accepted model currently exists despite the availability of various national form contracts.

Australia and New Zealand are increasing their diplomatic and economic engagement with the African Union and African nations. Australia is leveraging its experience in mining, agriculture, and forestry, while New Zealand focuses on agriculture and peace operations. Both nations are seeking support from African states for non-permanent seats on the UN Security Council, with Australia campaigning for the 2013-14 term and New Zealand for the 2015-16 term.

The document argues that road traffic accidents are a critical development issue in Africa, with fatalities forecast to rise as motorisation increases without corresponding infrastructure improvements. By comparing a 'base case' forecast with an 'improved scenario' where death rates are stabilised at the current continental average of 32 per 100,000 people, the authors estimate that Africa could prevent 4.2 million deaths and add US$ 234 billion to its GDP by 2050. The brief highlights that the economic gains, primarily driven by a larger labour force, would far outweigh the estimated costs of intervention, which range from US$ 1.7 billion to US$ 24 billion.

The report argues that social media can drive political engagement in Africa, citing examples from the Arab Spring and elections in Nigeria and Zambia. However, it highlights significant obstacles, including low internet penetration, high costs, and active government censorship or surveillance in countries like Uganda, Zimbabwe, Angola, and Cameroon.

The document critiques the application of carbon trading in Africa, asserting that the continent remains marginal to the global market. It highlights how the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) creates perverse incentives, such as rewarding illegal gas flaring in Nigeria or subsidising fossil fuel dependence, while providing minimal financial benefit to local communities. The author argues that carbon offsets act as an 'avoided responsibility mechanism' for the global North and recommends shifting toward more just forms of climate finance.

The statement examines the instability of the Arab Spring, the complexities of the 'responsibility to protect' doctrine, and the geopolitical shift toward state capitalism. It specifically addresses South Africa's diplomatic efforts in Sudan and South Sudan, its aspirations within the African Union, and the role of the South African Development Partnership Agency. The author also highlights SAIIA's ranking as the top think-tank in Sub-Saharan Africa and its youth development initiatives.

The document examines the African Union's inability to act decisively during crises, such as in Libya and Côte d’Ivoire, attributing this to limited decision-making powers and divergent interests among its 54 member states. It analyzes South Africa's bid for the AU Commission chair as a signal of its intent to be more assertive in African geopolitics, while noting that its size and dominance can trigger fears of hegemony among other member states. The author suggests that South Africa should 'lead from behind' by building alliances with other states to professionalize the AU rather than seeking formal leadership positions.

The report analyzes the views of 55 Egyptian stakeholders, including policy makers, political parties, and NGOs, regarding the operation of the Rafah Crossing Point (RCP). It examines the tension between humanitarian needs and security concerns, the impact of the tunnel economy, and the role of international agreements like the Agreement on Movement and Access (AMA). The findings highlight a fragmented Egyptian approach, where security agencies prioritize countering smuggling and militant infiltration, while political groups like the Muslim Brotherhood advocate for normalized relations with Hamas. The report concludes that a functioning border depends on resolving the Israeli blockade and establishing a unified Palestinian government.

The document analyzes the proposed Tripartite FTA involving 26 member states from COMESA, EAC, and SADC. While the agreement aims for comprehensive liberalization of goods trade, the author argues that the approach to services is conservative and vague, relying on a 'lowest common denominator' strategy. A key area of potential progress is Annex 12, which addresses the movement of business persons, though the author notes critical gaps regarding the definition of 'temporary' movement and the lack of mutual recognition for professional qualifications.

The document analyzes South Africa's efforts to attract sustainable local and foreign investment through a combination of industrial policies, such as the New Growth Path (NGP), and a diverse catalogue of financial and fiscal incentives. It highlights a significant decline in foreign direct investment (FDI) between 2008 and 2010, attributed largely to high labor costs, and examines the 'Gateway into Africa' initiative designed to make South Africa a regional investment hub. The paper details various dti-managed incentives targeting SMMEs, industrial development, and specific sectors like automotive and film, while noting that many investors remain unaware of these schemes or find the application process cumbersome.

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) maintains membership in four Regional Economic Communities (RECs)—COMESA, SADC, ECCAS, and CEPGL—but plays a negligible role in all of them. Despite data showing the DRC is more economically integrated with southern and eastern Africa (SADC and COMESA), the government has shown a preference for integration within the central African region (ECCAS-CEMAC). This contradiction is attributed to political drivers, such as regime survival and external pressure from the EU and Belgium, rather than economic logic. The DRC's integration is further hampered by overlapping memberships, political instability, a lack of industrial diversification, and poor internal transport infrastructure that leaves its provinces more integrated with neighbors than with the national economy.