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The report examines the migration crisis in the Eastern Mediterranean, highlighting the interconnectedness of forced displacement with climate change, energy poverty, water scarcity, and healthcare deficits. It focuses on Cyprus as a primary destination for asylum seekers, detailing the strain on infrastructure in the south and the lack of legal frameworks in the north. The author proposes a bi-communal strategy, including a joint Rapid Response Committee and a reception center in the UN Buffer Zone, to manage these transnational human security threats through cooperation between Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities.

The document examines the critical water scarcity and management challenges facing the Eastern Mediterranean, highlighting the stark disparity in water distribution between the northern and southern/eastern regions. It analyzes the compounding effects of climate change, population growth, and political tensions on water security. The author argues for a shift from supply-based infrastructure to integrated water resource management and hydrodiplomacy to mitigate conflicts and foster regional stability.

The document argues that while the discovery of hydrocarbons in the Eastern Mediterranean increased tensions between Turkey, Greece, and the Republic of Cyprus, the shift toward decarbonization offers a new opportunity for inter-ethnic cooperation. It emphasizes the need for a policy framework for the electrification of transport, buildings, and industry, and warns that new European grid projects (EuroAsia and EuroAfrica Interconnectors) could inadvertently isolate the Turkish Cypriot community if the existing interconnector between the north and south is terminated.

The report examines the shift from a fossil-fuel-based geopolitical paradigm to one led by renewables in the Eastern Mediterranean. It argues that while hydrocarbon discoveries have historically escalated tensions over maritime boundaries, the transition to clean energy offers new opportunities for regional and inter-communal cooperation. Specifically, it proposes several technical and policy-driven 'green dialogue' initiatives for divided Cyprus, such as shared energy storage in the buffer zone and renewable energy trade, to build trust and align the island with EU climate goals.

The report analyzes how the AKP government has shifted Turkish foreign policy toward a more proactive, ideologically driven approach that leverages historical, cultural, and religious ties to expand regional influence. It examines the role of institutions like the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB) and the Diyanet in managing these relations. Through case studies in Bulgaria, Germany, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Greece, Cyprus, and Palestine, the document illustrates how this 'kin-state' politics often leads to the instrumentalization of religion, the exportation of domestic political conflicts, and tensions with host countries, while sometimes being perceived by the target communities as paternalistic or colonizing.

The document outlines how Turkey, under the AKP, has shifted its foreign policy to emphasize historical, cultural, and religious links with 'kin communities' (akraba topluluklar) across Europe, the Middle East, and the Eastern Mediterranean. It defines the conceptual overlap between diaspora and kin-politics and describes the transition from a racial-ethnic national identity to an 'Islamic-Turkish synthesis' that views Turkey as a 'core country' for the global Muslim community (ummah). The text introduces case studies on Bulgaria, Germany, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Greece, Cyprus, and Palestine to analyze how this policy of 'spiritual boundaries' affects host countries and the communities themselves.

The document introduces a collective volume analyzing the shifting security and geopolitical landscape of the Eastern Mediterranean. It identifies four primary drivers of change: hydrocarbon discoveries, geopolitical antagonisms (particularly involving Turkey), new human security imperatives resulting from Middle Eastern instability, and increased interest from external powers like the US, Russia, and China. The text focuses on the formation of trilateral partnerships (Cyprus-Greece-Israel and Cyprus-Egypt-Greece) as a balancing act against Turkey's regional power projection and explores how these alliances intersect with energy security and the broader refugee crisis affecting Southern Europe.

The document examines the discovery of natural gas in the Eastern Mediterranean and the subsequent formation of political alliances between Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Egypt. It evaluates three primary monetisation strategies: the East Med pipeline to Europe, a pipeline to Turkey, and a triangular strategy using Egypt as a gas hub. The author argues that while these projects are politically desirable for regional security and EU diversification, they face severe technical, financial, and geopolitical obstacles—including high construction costs, seismic risks, and volatile global gas prices—that may render them commercially unviable.

The document argues that a combination of systemic shifts—including a regional power vacuum, the discovery of hydrocarbons, and a more hostile Turkish foreign policy—and the pro-Western orientation of the Nikos Anastasiades government enabled Cyprus to move from a reactive to a proactive foreign policy. This shift is manifested in 'trilateral partnerships' with Greece, Israel, and Egypt, which serve as a balancing strategy against Turkey. While these efforts have enhanced Cyprus's regional role and security, the author suggests they may have led the government to overlook the domestic and intercommunal complexities of the Cyprus Problem.

The document analyzes Greece's strategic shift in the Eastern Mediterranean, emphasizing the role of personal beliefs of policymakers like Nikos Kotzias in shaping a 'diverse active policy'. It details Greece's efforts to establish trilateral partnerships with Israel, Egypt, and Cyprus to counter Turkish influence and leverage hydrocarbon discoveries. Central to this strategy is the ambition to become a regional energy hub through projects like the EastMed pipeline and electrical interconnectors, while positioning Greece as an 'exporter of stability' within a 'triangle of instability' comprising Ukraine, Libya, and Syria.

The document examines the geopolitical motivations driving the partnership between Egypt, Greece, and Cyprus, particularly following the election of Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi in 2014. It analyzes the role of massive natural gas discoveries in the Eastern Mediterranean and the shared desire to counter Turkish influence. The author distinguishes between a rigid military alliance and a flexible 'entente,' concluding that the trilateral relationship is the latter, as it lacks binding commitments for military intervention during conflict.

The document analyzes Turkey's ambition to become a regional energy hub and how this goal conflicts with its assertive geostrategic vision and the emerging energy partnerships of other Eastern Mediterranean states. It details Turkey's use of 'gunboat diplomacy' and naval presence to protect the sovereign rights of Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) against the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) and its allies. The authors argue that the current security architecture, characterized by trilateral partnerships and maritime boundary disputes, creates a challenge for Turkish policymakers attempting to reconcile energy ambitions with national security and sovereignty claims.

The report examines the shift in Eastern Mediterranean geopolitics driven by hydrocarbon discoveries and the formation of trilateral partnerships (Greece-Cyprus-Israel and Greece-Cyprus-Egypt). It analyzes these alliances as a balancing act against Turkey's regional power projection and assertive foreign policy. While energy is a primary driver, the report notes that technical, economic, and political obstacles—such as the viability of the EastMed pipeline and maritime boundary disputes—hinder full monetization of gas reserves. The text also explores the domestic drivers of foreign policy in Cyprus and Greece, the historical perceptions of the region from an Israeli perspective, and Turkey's strategic ambition to become a regional energy hub.

The report analyzes how Turkey's domestic transformation and regional foreign policy influence the security perceptions of Greek-Cypriots. It distinguishes between official perceptions, which prioritize military and state security, and non-official perceptions, which place greater emphasis on political and economic stability. The author argues that while Turkey is viewed as a primary existential threat, addressing broader human security concerns could provide a path for inter-communal collaboration in Cyprus.

The report analyzes the climate-security nexus in the Eastern Mediterranean, identifying the region as a climate change hotspot where rising temperatures and water scarcity interact with fragile political structures. It highlights risks including domestic resource competition, potential conflicts over the Nile, Euphrates, and Tigris rivers, and increased migration toward Europe. The author argues that while conventional security threats currently dominate government agendas, the economic and physical impacts of climate change could trigger social unrest and regional instability. The report recommends increasing the visibility of economic risks to leaders and utilizing 'variable geometry' cooperation—combining inter-governmental frameworks like the Barcelona Convention with city-to-city and civil society networks—to foster regional adaptation.

The document examines the Eastern Mediterranean's transition from a strategic space used by great powers to a distinct geopolitical region. It analyzes the shift toward multipolarity and the emergence of 'proto-regionalism' through trilateral partnerships involving Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Egypt. While identifying potential for an Eastern Mediterranean Cooperation Council (EMCC) based on the Gulf Cooperation Council model, the author highlights significant obstacles, including the role of Turkey, the Cyprus conflict, and energy disputes.

The document examines the strategic realignment in the Eastern Mediterranean involving the Republic of Cyprus (RoC), Israel, and Turkey. It argues that while the RoC, Israel, and Greece have formed a new security bloc to balance Turkey's naval ambitions, a structural need to contain Iranian influence is driving a rapprochement between Israel and Turkey. This shift is further incentivized by commercial imperatives, as the discovery of Egypt's Zohr gas field makes Turkey a more viable export market for Israeli natural gas. The author contends that these twin dynamics—the Turkey-Israel rapprochement and the RoC-Israel-Greece security formation—provide a new balance of incentives and guarantees that could facilitate a resolution to the Cyprus conflict.

The report analyzes the geopolitical tensions arising from natural gas discoveries in the Cyprus Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), particularly the conflict between the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) and Turkey. It explores how these resources could either catalyze a political settlement or exacerbate regional instability. Additionally, it provides a comparative analysis of wealth management, contrasting the 'resource curse' seen in Sudan with the successful 'Norwegian model' to offer guidance for Cyprus on avoiding economic pitfalls like 'Dutch disease'.

Global Witness asserts that tensions between NATO allies in the eastern Mediterranean over fossil gas are futile, as the EU's projected 90 percent reduction in gas demand by 2050 renders these reserves unnecessary. The report highlights that extracting discovered gas in disputed waters would produce carbon emissions comparable to the annual output of France and Spain combined. It specifically calls for the cancellation of the €6 billion EastMed pipeline, which is currently a "Project of Common Interest," arguing that its operation would cause immense environmental damage and further escalate regional conflict.

The report identifies 37 unique software tools for climate-sensitive infectious disease modelling, finding a heavy bias toward vector-borne diseases, particularly malaria. It highlights significant gaps in operationalization, accessibility, and geographic representation, noting that most tools are developed by North American and European institutions despite being intended for use in the Global South. Expert interviews reveal critical barriers to implementation, including poor data sharing between climate and health sectors, lack of political mandates, and a mismatch between complex model outputs and the needs of public health decision-makers.