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The LDCs group expressed mixed reactions to CoP17, welcoming the operationalisation of the Adaptation Committee, the start of national adaptation plans, and the governing instrument of the Green Climate Fund. While the group supported the second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol, it noted that Durban failed to resolve central mitigation issues, leaving global temperatures on a path to rise by 3 to 4 °C. The LDCs call for developed countries to provide Quantified Emission Limitation and Reduction Commitments (QELRC) and for urgent clarity on the predictability and additionality of climate finance.

The document examines Durban's 'learning-by-doing' approach to climate adaptation through its Municipal Climate Protection Programme (MCPP). It highlights that sector-specific Municipal Adaptation Plans (MAPs) for water, waste, and disaster management were more effective at driving action than high-level integrated strategies. The city's efforts include making its 75,000 ha open space system 'climate smart', testing community-level food security and reforestation projects, and implementing urban management pilots like green roofs. The text emphasizes the need for direct adaptation funding for local governments, arguing that while climate causes are global, impacts and necessary actions are local.

This document consists of negotiating mandates and reports from several South African provincial legislatures—Free State, Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal, Mpumalanga, North West, and Western Cape—regarding the Marine Spatial Planning Bill [B 9D-2017]. The provinces generally support the Bill, which aims to establish a framework for marine spatial planning, coordinate ocean use across multiple sectors, and promote a sustainable ocean economy, while proposing various amendments related to governance, definitions, and inclusivity.

This discussion document, compiled by the Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism (DEAT), outlines the process for establishing national ambient air quality standards in South Africa under the National Environmental Management: Air Quality Act 2004 (AQA). It analyzes the transition from source-based controls to an objectives-based approach, evaluates the limitations of previous SABS standards (SANS 1929 and SANS 69), and summarizes public and stakeholder responses to proposed standards. The document concludes by presenting a revised set of standards and a governance framework that uses tiered zones (Green, Blue, Purple, Orange, and Red) to trigger air quality management interventions.

A June 2012 submission by the Natref refinery to the South African Department of Environmental Affairs (DEA) regarding proposed Minimum Emission Standards (MES). Natref argues that inflexible national point source emission standards are impractical for existing facilities and proposes a 'bubble' approach to emissions management to ensure socio-economic sustainability and energy security.

This October 2012 submission from the Natref refinery to the South African Department of Environmental Affairs (DEA) argues that the proposed Minimum Emission Standards (MES) are technically and socio-economically unsustainable for existing inland refineries. Natref advocates for a "bubble" approach to emissions management rather than a point-source approach and requests separate, less stringent limits for existing facilities compared to new plants.

A formal request sent on 29 November 2016 by the Life After Coal Campaign and other environmental organisations to the South African Minister of Energy, seeking an extension for public comment on the Integrated Energy Plan (IEP) and the Integrated Resource Plan (IRP) Update and demanding the release of critical supporting documents.

This document consists of an internal appeal filed by the Centre for Environmental Rights (CER) on behalf of the South Durban Community Environmental Alliance (SDCEA) and the subsequent ruling by the eThekwini Metropolitan Municipality. The appeal challenged the Municipality's refusal to grant access to Atmospheric Emission Licences (AELs) and compliance reports for the SAPREF (Shell and BP) and Engen petroleum refineries, which the Municipality had withheld citing the protection of third-party commercial information under the Promotion of Access to Information Act (PAIA). The Appeal Authority ultimately upheld the refusal, ruling that the information was commercially sensitive and that the public interest override was not sufficiently substantiated.

This report details a passive sampling campaign for BTEX compounds (benzene, toluene, ethyl-benzene, and xylene) conducted at the Chevron Cape Town Refinery from June 2010 to June 2011. The study monitored air quality across 12 locations to assess compliance with national and international ambient air quality standards.

This document consists of a final project report (2006) and a related academic paper (2013) regarding the South Durban Health Study. The research, funded by the eThekwini Municipality as part of the Multipoint Plan, assessed the impact of industrial pollution on the respiratory health of schoolchildren and adults in south Durban compared to a non-industrial northern control area. The study found that children in the industrial south had a significantly higher risk of persistent asthma and marked airway hyperreactivity, with evidence that ambient pollutants like SO2, NO2, and particulate matter contributed to decrements in lung function, particularly in sensitive subpopulations.

A letter from National Petroleum Refiners of South Africa (Natref) to the Department of Environmental Affairs (DEA) dated September 1, 2011, detailing the refinery's air quality compliance status and proposing amendments to the Minimum Emission Standards (MES). Natref argues that the proposed 2015 SO2 limits are unachievable and requests that the DEA recognize the emissions reductions achieved through its Residual Crude Desulphurization (RCD) unit.

A directive from the Mpumalanga Regional Manager of the Department of Mineral Resources (implied by the Act cited) to Atha-Africa Ventures (Pty) Ltd stating that their Environmental Management Programme (EMP) for mining activities in the Wakkerstroom magisterial district is non-compliant with Section 39(4)a of the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act.

The report argues that marine phosphate mining is unwarranted in South Africa because it would increase environmental phosphate flows and contamination. It proposes that a sustainable supply of phosphates can be achieved through 'loop-closure'—specifically recovering phosphorus from human and animal waste and improving fertilizer application efficiency in agriculture. A substance flow analysis indicates that approximately 164 kt/year of phosphorus enters the South African environment, with 133 kt/year potentially recoverable through recycling. The document concludes that terrestrial reserves are sufficient for 90–220 years, making the ecological risks of seabed mining unnecessary.

The document details South Africa's coal landscape, identifying the Highveld and Witbank coalfields as the largest by reserves. It provides a comprehensive inventory of mines, their ownership (including major entities like Anglo Coal, Exxaro, and BHP Billiton), and their production outputs for domestic power (primarily Eskom) and export markets. The report also analyzes the logistics chain, focusing on the Richards Bay Coal Terminal (RBCT) as the primary export hub, and provides detailed cost breakdowns for opencast mining and rail transport.

The report documents a series of interregional exchanges between youth activists from Africa and Europe, focusing on the intersection of environmental justice, colonialism, and systemic oppression. It provides practical learning tools for analyzing historical inequalities and dismantling patriarchy, while highlighting the challenges of interregional solidarity, such as visa restrictions for African activists. Personal testimonies emphasize the impact of industrial pollution in South Africa and the marginalization of youth in Liberia, arguing that true climate justice requires freedom of movement and a genuine commitment to listening to the Global South.

The document is a zine detailing a cross-regional exchange between youth activists from Africa and Europe. It focuses on dismantling systemic oppressions like patriarchy and colonialism, challenging visa injustices that hinder Global South participation in climate governance, and promoting intergenerational learning within the environmental justice movement.

This report by Friends of the Earth International critiques the international climate negotiation process leading up to COP 17 in Durban. It argues that rich industrialized nations are avoiding their historical responsibility by promoting voluntary pledges and carbon market mechanisms rather than legally binding emission cuts. The document calls for a systemic shift away from neoliberal economic models toward climate justice, demanding radical domestic emission reductions, public financing for the Global South, and the protection of indigenous and local community rights.

This guide, published by Friends of the Earth International, explains the causes and impacts of climate change, emphasizing the disproportionate responsibility of wealthy industrialised nations and the severe risks faced by Africa. It criticizes government failures driven by corporate interests and proposes a systemic transition toward renewable energy and sustainable food systems.

The report argues that African cities face a critical choice between unsustainable 'business-as-usual' urban sprawl and a '3CR' model (compact, connected, clean, and resilient). Using economic modelling for 35 major cities in Ethiopia, Kenya, and South Africa, it demonstrates that while incremental investments of US$280 billion are needed by 2050, the net present value of benefits is significantly positive. It identifies systemic barriers—including poor municipal creditworthiness and restrictive national laws—and proposes four national enabling mechanisms and six specific financial instruments to unlock private and public capital.

The report evaluates South Africa's sustainability transition, arguing that the green economy is often treated as a sector rather than an economy-wide transformation. It critiques the 2011 Green Economy Accord as a 'public relations exercise' due to a lack of enforcement and monitoring, while praising the Socio-Economic Impact Assessment System (SEIAS) for improving the inter-disciplinary nature of policymaking despite internal capacity constraints.