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Operation Rachel was a bilateral security initiative between the South African Police Service (SAPS) and the Police of the Republic of Mozambique (PRM) designed to destroy surplus weapons from previous conflicts. Between 1995 and 1999, four distinct operations (Rachel I-IV) were conducted, resulting in the destruction of 11,891 firearms and over 3 million rounds of ammunition. The operations were intelligence-driven and utilized an unorthodox approach of rewarding informers and granting undeclared amnesty to avoid politicizing the recovery of caches. While successful in building trust between two historically hostile security apparatuses, the operations faced challenges including high costs, language barriers, and fluctuating political stability in Mozambique. The report concludes that while the operations reduced the immediate supply of illegal arms smuggled into South Africa, long-term success requires addressing the socio-economic drivers of violence and integrating bilateral efforts into broader regional frameworks like SADC and SARPCCO.

The document examines South Africa's evolving foreign policy as it navigates its role as a regional hegemon and an aspiring global middle power. It highlights the tension between South Africa's democratic values and the reality of state collapse across Africa, while discussing the 'African Renaissance' as a framework for leadership without dominance. The paper also analyzes the strategic importance of the African market to South Africa and the development of a formal policy for participation in international peace missions.

The document analyzes South Africa's strategic options regarding the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) across three scenarios: a firm peace agreement, a shaky cease-fire, or the absence of a cease-fire. It critiques existing OAU and UN mechanisms as over-ambitious and under-resourced given the DRC's geography. The author introduces 'Renaissance peacekeeping'—a proposal by Thabo Mbeki to co-opt current belligerent statutory forces into a multinational peacekeeping force to ensure rapid deployment and local knowledge. While noting the risks of impartiality and the need for a 'lead nation' (potentially South Africa), the author concludes that South Africa is likely to be drawn into the conflict despite the high risk of mission failure due to fragile cease-fires.

The document examines the 'peace pyramid' model of conflict management in Africa, where subregional organisations act as the base, the OAU as the linkage, and the UN as the apex. It argues that while subregional bodies like ECOWAS and SADC are often better motivated for intervention due to proximity, they lack institutionalised crisis management mechanisms and are built upon fragile states. The author suggests that effective regional security requires a focus on state-building, good governance, and the creation of permanent secretariats to ensure impartiality and reliability.

The study establishes a baseline for Zambia's GHG emissions, dominated by energy and land-use activities, and proposes mitigation strategies. In the energy sector, the most cost-effective options include improved vehicle maintenance, ethanol blending, and the adoption of electric and improved charcoal stoves. In the forestry sector, natural regeneration is identified as the most sustainable and least costly method to increase forest cover. The report projects that implementing these measures could reduce total CO2 emissions by 12.47% by 2010 and 18.27% by 2030 compared to the baseline scenario. However, implementation is hindered by a lack of financial resources for both the government and low-income citizens.

The report examines the shift in international norms where state sovereignty is increasingly balanced against the protection of human rights. It analyzes the rise of 'neo-interventionism' in Africa, the transition of NATO from a defensive alliance to a regional security actor in the Balkans, and the persistence of stubborn states like Iraq and Algeria that resist external interference. The authors argue that while the non-intervention norm has weakened, interventions must be grounded in specific case-by-case duties and multilateral authorization to avoid the abuse of power.

The document examines the gap between the political will of African states to manage their own security and their actual operational capabilities. It analyzes the shortcomings of the OAU, SADC, and ECOWAS, and details the 'capacity-building' programs of the US, UK, France, and Denmark. The authors argue that while these Western initiatives provide tangible training and equipment, they are primarily driven by a desire to avoid direct military involvement in African conflicts rather than a genuine commitment to African self-sufficiency.

The paper examines the fragile peace process in Angola following the 1994 Lusaka Protocol, arguing that UNITA's leadership, particularly Jonas Savimbi, has consistently procrastinated on disarmament while maintaining military capabilities through illicit arms networks. It details the complex international supply chains providing weapons to UNITA and analyzes the strategic positions of both the MPLA-led government and UNITA. The author concludes that while a military offensive by the government is possible, it may not end the conflict due to UNITA's deep-rooted guerrilla infrastructure and the region's fluid political instability.

The research paper examines the failure to operationalize the SADC Organ for Politics, Defence and Security, noting a deadlock between member states over its legal and operational structure. It critiques a 1997 Review and Rationalisation Report for ignoring the security-development nexus and suggests that SADC's economic focus is incompatible with the sensitivities of defence co-operation. By comparing SADC to regional arrangements like L'ANAD in West Africa, ASEAN in Southeast Asia, and the OSCE and WEU in Europe, the author argues that Southern Africa should 'divorce' its security mechanism from SADC to create a dedicated, flexible security convention or union focused on conflict prevention and democratic stability.

The report argues that there is no legitimate African cultural tradition that justifies the use of children in armed conflict, noting that traditional age-set systems typically recruited relatively mature men. It examines the limitations of existing international humanitarian and human rights laws, such as the Geneva Conventions and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, in preventing child recruitment. The author concludes that the establishment of a permanent International Criminal Court (ICC) is the most effective way to ensure individual criminal accountability for those who conscript or enlist children.

The document examines how rising debt burdens in Africa lead to austerity measures that compromise basic human rights, such as health and education. It highlights the success of previous debt relief initiatives like HIPC and MDRI while calling for a human rights-based approach to current debt management and the revamping of the G20 Common Framework.

The document examines resource-backed loans (RBLs) as a tool for financing infrastructure in resource-rich developing nations, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. While RBLs can unlock funding and reduce corruption by bypassing government control of funds through special purpose vehicles, they often lead to unsustainable debt, lack of transparency, and unfair terms that favour lenders. The brief recommends integrating RBLs into public procurement systems, increasing transparency, and utilizing expert negotiators to protect national interests.

Zambia's national debt reached $25.5 billion by the end of 2023, creating a crisis that crowds out essential social spending and hinders economic development. The report identifies key drivers including excessive borrowing for unproductive infrastructure, high reliance on volatile copper exports, and significant revenue losses from tax evasion and illicit financial flows. While Zambia has sought relief through the G20 Common Framework and IMF facilities, the report argues that the current restructuring process is inefficient and that long-term stability requires domestic resource mobilisation, strengthened parliamentary oversight, and a transition toward sustainable borrowing practices.

The document critiques the G20 Common Framework and prior initiatives like HIPC, MDRI, and DSSI, claiming they provide minimal relief while encouraging new borrowing. It highlights the negative impact of credit rating agency biases and the lack of private creditor participation. The authors propose a shift toward an African-led financial system, including a gold-backed currency called the African Financial Asset (AfA), and call for unconditional debt cancellation.

The report examines how Tanzania's extractive industries, particularly natural gas and gold, have created economic enclaves and contributed to a 'sub-national resource curse' in regions like Mtwara and Lindi. It analyzes the country's rising debt-to-GDP ratio, which grew from 28% to 40% in four years, and the role of resource-backed loans from China for infrastructure like the Standard Gauge Railway. While Tanzania possesses significant renewable energy potential in solar, wind, and hydropower, the report notes a continued reliance on fossil fuels and a lack of gender-sensitive policies in the energy sector. It concludes with recommendations to diversify the economy, strengthen governance, and develop a domestic downstream sector for critical minerals.

The report details the persistence of climate disinformation across major platforms like X, Meta, TikTok, and YouTube. It identifies key narratives used to discredit renewable energy, the use of extreme weather events (wildfires and hurricanes) to fuel conspiracy theories and incite violence, and the extensive use of Meta's advertising tools by fossil fuel entities for greenwashing and lobbying. The authors argue that platform architectures reward engagement over truth, necessitating systemic policy changes to disrupt the economy of disinformation.

The report by Climate Action Against Disinformation (CAAD) analyzes the persistence of climate disinformation across digital platforms, highlighting how Big Tech infrastructure enables the spread of false narratives regarding renewable energy, extreme weather events, and fossil fuel industry claims. It details a growing crisis in researcher access to platform data and provides a set of policy recommendations to dismantle the 'economy of disinformation'.

South Africa's Critical Minerals and Metals Strategy aims to maximise the economic value of its vast mineral reserves—including PGMs, manganese, and vanadium—by shifting from raw ore exports to local beneficiation and high-tech manufacturing. The strategy identifies a specific list of high, moderate-to-high, and moderate criticality minerals and proposes six pillars of intervention: geoscience mapping, value addition, R&D, infrastructure/energy security, financial instruments, and regulatory harmonisation. It emphasizes the need to overcome domestic bottlenecks in energy and logistics, foster regional integration within Africa, and navigate geopolitical tensions, particularly China's dominance in the supply chain, to secure a role in the global green energy transition.

A letter from the CITES Secretary General to Greenpeace International clarifying the status of the Review of Significant Trade in Afrormosia (Pericopsis elata) from the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

The report documents a global pattern of violence and legal harassment against land and environmental rights defenders in 2013. It argues that these individuals, often representing vulnerable indigenous or rural communities, are targeted by governments and corporations during conflicts over natural resources and large-scale development projects. The document provides specific case studies from Europe, the Americas, Africa, and Asia, detailing arrests, assassinations, and forced displacements linked to opposition to mining, hydroelectric dams, agribusiness, and oil exploration.