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The report analyzes how Wikipedia is targeted by information warfare, including undisclosed paid editing, state-sponsored infiltration, and the use of biased sources. Through a case study of the English-language page on the Russo-Ukrainian war, researchers identified patterns where blocked editors used state-affiliated domains and split their edit histories across multiple accounts to evade detection. The document also highlights the risk of 'community capture' in non-English Wikipedias and the psychological toll on volunteer editors fighting these campaigns.

The report examines the interaction between ICCAs and international and national laws, finding that while international instruments and some national policies show progress, systemic gaps and discriminatory implementation continue to threaten these areas. It highlights the critical need for the recognition of customary land rights, self-determination, and integrated socio-ecological legislation to support community-led conservation.

The study examines whether ethnic civil war increases ethnonationalism and if direct exposure to violence strengthens these attitudes. Using data from 1989 and 2003, the author finds that while ethnonationalism increased significantly in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia, it remained stable in Kosovo and Macedonia. Individual war exposure only significantly increased ethnonationalism in Croatia, suggesting that the relationship between conflict and nationalism is context-dependent rather than deterministic.

The study examines the link between civil war exposure and authoritarianism using survey data from Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Croatia. It finds that while direct personal loss does not consistently increase authoritarianism, symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) are strongly associated with a more authoritarian value orientation across all three countries. The author argues that the individual's ability to cope with trauma, rather than violence itself, is the primary driver of these values, which may hinder democratic consolidation in the region.

The research argues that transnational ethnic ties increase the risk of civil war, but this effect is conditional on the domestic demographic size of the marginalized group. Using a triadic model and geocoded data, the authors find that larger excluded groups with kin in neighboring states are significantly more likely to engage in conflict than those without such ties, while the governmental status of the external kin group does not have a statistically significant impact.

The research demonstrates that states experiencing civil wars are significantly more likely to be involved in militarized interstate disputes (MIDs). Using data from 1946 to 2001, the authors find that this 'civil peace' effect is comparable in magnitude to the 'democratic peace' effect. Analysis of over 400 MIDs reveals that the increased risk is driven by states attempting to influence the outcome of civil wars through direct intervention, externalization (such as cross-border counter-insurgency), and unintended spillovers, rather than by opportunistic attacks on weakened states or diversionary wars to consolidate domestic power.

The authors use geo-coded data from 31 federal states to argue that both relatively rich and relatively poor regions are more prone to secessionist conflict than those with average wealth. The study also finds that the presence of politically excluded ethnic groups and the existence of regional autonomy further elevate the risk of violent secessionist conflict.

The author examines the post-communist trajectories of Central and Southeastern Europe, arguing that the collapse of communism was foreseeable and constituted a comprehensive revolution. The text analyzes debates over whether the process was a 'transition' or 'transformation' and identifies key determinants of democratic consolidation, such as the absence of war, the role of the European Union, and educational attainment. It specifically refutes the 'ancient hatreds' myth regarding the Yugoslav meltdown, attributing the conflict instead to system illegitimacy, economic decay, and the agency of leaders like Slobodan Milošević.

The research analyzes UNSC resolutions in self-determination disputes to determine what drives the UN's decision to take preventive action. The authors find that the UN is significantly more likely to intervene in nonviolent disputes that have a history of violence or are located in regions with a high potential for contagion. While the UN employs a variety of tools—most notably diplomacy and condemnation—political constraints, particularly the interests of the P-5 members, limit its ability to act based on specific dispute-level characteristics like factionalism or economic status.

Reclaim Finance analyzes the EU's decision to include gas and nuclear energy in its green taxonomy. The report argues that the criteria for gas—such as the 270 gCO2e/kWh emission threshold and the 2030 construction deadline—are incompatible with the 1.5°C goal and risk creating stranded assets. Regarding nuclear energy, the report contends that long construction times and the lack of operational geological waste storage by 2050 undermine its status as a 'transitional' activity, while noting that only France and Finland currently have advanced storage projects.

The document analyzes how media coverage of migration often relies on stereotypes, official sources, and sensationalism, while advocating for ethical journalism based on diversity and factual accuracy.

The Coca-Cola Company and WWF have partnered since 2007 to improve water stewardship, reduce greenhouse gas emissions, and transition to a circular economy for plastics. Key achievements include the restoration of over 5,462 hectares of wetlands along the Danube River, the protection of 200,000 hectares of wetlands in the Yangtze River basin, and the implementation of rainwater harvesting systems in Mexico. The partnership has also supported Coca-Cola in setting a science-based target to reduce absolute GHG emissions by 25% by 2030 from a 2015 baseline. In agriculture, 56% of priority ingredient volumes were sustainably sourced as of 2020, supported by certifications like Bonsucro for sugarcane. The partnership was renewed in August 2021 for three years to further build natural capital and climate resilience.