Search Climate Insights Directory

The document examines the 'polycrisis' affecting Europe, where the cost of living crisis is driven by a combination of the pandemic, Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and long-term neoliberal policies. It analyzes the disproportionate impact on young people, women, and the elderly, while exploring systemic failures in energy, housing, and food systems. The authors advocate for 'energy sobriety', the re-municipalisation of water, the expansion of social housing, and the revitalization of trade unions as essential steps toward a Green New Deal that ensures social justice and ecological sustainability.

The report analyzes the EU's Taxonomy Delegated Act of February 2nd, 2022, which classifies certain gas and nuclear energy activities as "transitional." Reclaim Finance argues that the criteria for gas-fired plants are too lenient, potentially leading to stranded assets and incompatibility with the 1.5C goal. It further contends that new nuclear reactors are unsuitable as transitional activities due to long construction times and unresolved long-term waste management costs.

The document analyzes the EU's trajectory toward a coal phase-out by 2030. While overall planned coal generation in the EU is expected to drop by 83% from 2015 to 2030, a small group of countries—Poland, Czechia, and Bulgaria—will remain the primary polluters, accounting for over 95% of the EU's planned coal electricity generation in 2030. The report highlights the disparity between these 'laggards' and the rest of the EU-27, noting that while most countries are aligning with 1.5C goals, Poland, Czechia, and Bulgaria have set phase-out dates far beyond 2030.

The document analyzes the projected decline of coal-fired power in the EU by 2030, noting that while most member states are rapidly transitioning, Poland, Czechia, and Bulgaria will account for over 95% of the EU's planned coal electricity production by that year. It emphasizes that Germany's commitment to exit coal by 2030 isolates these three countries, whose combined coal reduction (42% from 2015 to 2030) lags significantly behind the 99% reduction seen in the other 27 EU nations.

The report finds that while the EU is rapidly reducing coal use, with planned generation falling by 83% between 2015 and 2030, three countries—Poland, the Czech Republic, and Bulgaria—will account for over 95% of the EU's remaining coal electricity by 2030. Germany's decision to exit coal by 2030 has accelerated this trend, leaving these three 'laggards' with significantly slower phase-out rates compared to the rest of the EU.

The EU is rapidly phasing out coal, with planned electricity generation from coal expected to fall by 83% between 2015 and 2030. However, Poland, Czechia, and Bulgaria are transitioning much more slowly, and are projected to be responsible for over 95% of the EU's planned coal-generated electricity in 2030.

The report finds that while the EU is rapidly reducing coal power, with planned production falling by 83% between 2015 and 2030, three countries—Poland, the Czech Republic, and Bulgaria—will account for over 95% of the EU's planned coal electricity generation by 2030. Germany's commitment to exit coal by 2030 has further isolated these three nations, which are phasing out coal significantly slower than the rest of the EU-27.

The Three Seas Initiative (3SI) is criticized for prioritizing fossil gas infrastructure over renewable energy, which risks locking in emissions beyond 2050 and violating the EU's Climate Law. As of July 2021, fossil gas projects outnumber renewables in the 3SI database by more than two to one. Many of these gas projects are described as 'zombie projects'—outdated relics that have failed to attract financing or remain unutilized, such as the BRUA and Eastring pipelines. The document highlights that EU gas consumption must decline sharply to meet a 55% emissions reduction by 2030. While the 3SI Investment Fund (3SIIF) recently made its first energy investment in solar developer Enery Development, the briefing argues that significant political and financial shifts, including from the US, are needed to catalyze the region's renewable energy potential and align with the 'Fit for 55' package.

The document traces a series of Romanian protest waves, starting with the 2013 Rosia Montana anti-mining movement and the 2015 Colectiv nightclub fire protests, which challenged government corruption and systemic failures. It argues that these movements helped citizens overcome a historical fear of state repression dating back to the 1990-1991 Mineriade, eventually leading to the rise of centre-right parties like USR and PLUS. The author notes that while these new parties adopted some green policies, the formal Green party in Romania remains weak due to the continued dominance of the Social Democrats (PSD) and internal organizational issues.

The report finds a significant lack of a level playing field in the EU, with 13 Member States still relying on entirely paper-based processes for verifying catch certificates (CCs). While some states have developed national IT tools, these cannot detect the 'overuse' of CCs across different EU entry points. The European Commission's CATCH system is designed to provide a centralised EU-wide database to prevent fraud and harmonise risk analysis, but as of June 2021, no Member State was actively operating the first version due to a lack of legal requirements and data input from third countries. The report recommends that the Commission make CATCH mandatory, improve its interoperability with national systems, and develop tools to monitor trade flow variations to identify potential IUU fishing loopholes.

The report finds that the EU is planning a 35% increase in gas import capacity through pipelines and LNG terminals, costing an estimated €87 billion. This expansion is argued to be unnecessary for security of supply and contradictory to the EU's climate goals, creating a significant risk of stranded assets and emissions lock-in. While public financing from the EIB and EU grants has historically catalyzed these projects, the report notes a shift toward phasing out such support, though private finance and initiatives like the Three Seas Initiative continue to pose risks of further fossil gas entrenchment.

The report provides a comprehensive overview of European CO2 storage capacity, highlighting the North Sea Basin and the Norwegian shelf as the most prospective areas. It details storage potentials in saline aquifers, hydrocarbon fields, and storage reservoirs across various European regions, while also mapping stationary emission sources, noting that power generation is the dominant emitting sector.

The document examines the COVID-19 pandemic as a systemic crisis that exposed deep inequalities and the fragility of market-based systems. It argues that the health crisis is inextricably linked to environmental collapse, specifically biodiversity loss and zoonotic risks. The text advocates for the revival of the social state, the implementation of a 'foundational economy' that prioritizes basic human needs over profit, and the adoption of 'technological humanism' to bridge the digital divide. It also analyzes the political responses of Green parties in Europe and the rise of authoritarianism and right-wing populism during the crisis, while highlighting grassroots solidarity networks and the disproportionate impact of the pandemic on marginalized groups, including migrants and the elderly.

The document examines the intersection of climate change and human rights, detailing how environmental degradation threatens rights to life, food, health, water, and housing. It outlines the obligations of states to respect, protect, and fulfil these rights, and the responsibilities of businesses to reduce emissions and provide remedies. The handbook specifically focuses on the role of National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs), presenting case studies of their work in monitoring impacts, handling complaints, providing policy advice, and engaging in international mechanisms like the UNFCCC and the Universal Periodic Review. It highlights that nearly half of Paris Principles-compliant NHRIs have engaged in climate change work, using tools ranging from digital mapping to formal inquiries into 'carbon majors'.

The Croatian parliamentary election of 5 July 2020 saw the conservative Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) maintain dominance, securing 66 seats. Despite a tight race predicted by polls, the HDZ benefited from a low voter turnout of 49.6% and the leadership of Andrej Plenković. The centre-left Restart coalition, led by the SDP, underperformed with 41 seats due to ageing policies and leadership issues. The far-right Homeland Movement gained 16 seats but failed to become a kingmaker. A significant outcome was the success of the green-left coalition Možemo, which won 7 mandates, marking the first sizeable green force in the Croatian parliament. Možemo's success is rooted in grassroots activism for environmental sustainability, social equality, and anti-corruption, serving as a potential model for similar movements in Montenegro and Serbia.

The report finds that 11 of 18 EU coal-using countries lack Paris-compatible phase-out plans, with seven not planning to exit coal by 2030 and four replacing coal with increased fossil gas. It argues that the Just Transition Fund's current allocation methodology risks funding 'climate laggards,' as nearly two-thirds of the fund would go to countries without 2030 phase-out plans. The authors recommend making fund access conditional on ambitious coal phase-out dates and strictly excluding all fossil fuels, including gas, from the fund's scope.

The report finds that global LNG terminal capacity under construction more than doubled between 2019 and 2020, increasing capital expenditure from $82.8 billion to $196.1 billion. This expansion is primarily driven by North American efforts to create new markets, but faces significant headwinds from the COVID-19 pandemic, falling gas prices, and intensifying opposition. The authors argue that the 'bridge fuel' narrative is undermined by high methane leakage rates, with some estimates suggesting LNG-powered electricity can have a global warming impact up to 16% higher than coal. Furthermore, the report highlights a high failure rate for proposed export projects (61% since 2014) and the risk of stranded assets as renewables become more cost-competitive.

The report identifies a trend of 'carbon leakage' where EU countries import electricity from non-EU 'offshore carbon havens'—specifically Turkey, Ukraine, Morocco, and the Western Balkans—that lack carbon pricing. Net imports into EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) countries rose from 3TWh in 2017 to 21TWh in 2019, with imported electricity emitting an estimated 26 million tonnes of CO2 in 2019. The document warns that up to 57GW of new coal power could be developed in connected or soon-to-be connected non-EU countries, potentially undermining EU emissions cuts. To address this, the authors propose a border carbon adjustment (BCA) for electricity imports to level the playing field for generators, protect low-carbon investments, and incentivise neighbouring states to adopt their own carbon pricing mechanisms.

The report finds that the EU ETS region is increasingly importing electricity from non-EU neighbors with high carbon intensities, effectively importing emissions and creating 'offshore carbon havens'. In 2019, the EU ETS region imported 26 million tonnes of CO2, with a net import of 20 million tonnes. The authors argue that the disparity in carbon pricing gives a competitive advantage to high-carbon generators in countries like Turkey, Ukraine, and the Western Balkans. To combat this, the report recommends a border carbon adjustment (BCA) on gross electricity imports to protect the integrity of EU climate policy and incentivize decarbonization in neighboring states. It also warns that planned increases in interconnection capacity (31% by 2030) and new coal power projects (up to 57GW) in connected non-EU countries will exacerbate the problem.

The document examines the Covid-19 pandemic as a systemic shock that exposed deep inequalities and the fragility of market-driven systems. It explores the intersection of public health and biodiversity loss, the role of the welfare state versus authoritarian and populist models, the digital divide in urban centers, and the disproportionate impact of the crisis on marginalized groups, including migrant workers and the elderly. The text advocates for a 'green recovery' that prioritizes a 'foundational economy' of basic needs over growth, promotes digital inclusion as a human right, and recognizes the link between environmental degradation and zoonotic disease emergence.