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The author examines the tension in German foreign policy between corporate profit interests and a values-based rhetoric, specifically regarding its engagement with Africa. Historically, Germany's approach has been 'economistic,' focusing on raw material imports and machinery exports. The paper argues that current geopolitical shifts and the need for critical minerals provide an opportunity for Germany to move away from post-colonial models. It suggests that instead of merely securing cheap resources, Germany should support a pan-African industrial policy, the mobilization of domestic resources, and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to foster sustainable development and reduce Africa's dependence on raw material exports.

A coalition of 60 trade ministers asserts that the global trading system must move beyond "business as usual" to support the Paris Agreement. They advocate for breaking silos between trade, finance, and environment ministries to catalyze investment in clean energy, support climate-vulnerable nations, and reform the global financial system to promote net-zero trade finance and sustainable supply chains.

The author argues that Germany is struggling to balance its 'exportist' economic model and corporate interests with a more recent emphasis on a 'rules-based order' and human rights in its foreign policy. Historically, German engagement in Africa has been characterized by a light footprint and a focus on extracting raw materials, such as oil and minerals. The paper suggests that Germany should move away from this extractivist approach and instead support African-led initiatives for domestic resource mobilisation and regional complementarities, particularly through the AfCFTA, to foster a more just and green transition.

The document analyzes the increasing debt distress in Africa, noting that public debt reached 65.6% of GDP in 2022. It highlights the shift toward non-concessional debt and the role of private creditors, who now hold over 40% of Africa's total external debt. The brief argues that the G20's Common Framework needs reform to be more inclusive of middle-income countries and private creditors. It advocates for the establishment of an African Credit Rating Agency to counter perceived biases from global agencies and the creation of an African Debt Monitoring Mechanism by June 2024 to improve transparency. Key recommendations include restructuring multilateral development banks, extending debt repayment periods, and increasing IMF Poverty Reduction Growth Trust access limits.

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) has approved a US$1.5 million grant to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) for the preparation of the Climate and Health Co-Investment Facility Coordination Programme. This preparatory phase aims to develop a full funding proposal to reduce health-related vulnerability and greenhouse gas emissions from the health sector. Key activities include conducting baseline studies and barrier analyses in 14 targeted countries, designing innovative blended financing instruments, and performing feasibility studies for investment projects in 7 countries. The programme is designed to support COP26 Health commitments and will be implemented in collaboration with the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Alliance for Transformative Action on Climate and Health (ATACH).

The report outlines the strategic positions of African nations and multilateral structures at COP28, emphasizing the Nairobi Declaration and the AU's Climate Change and Resilient Strategy and Action Plan. It details the leadership of specific countries in areas such as green hydrogen (Morocco, Kenya), critical minerals (Namibia), and forest restoration (Ethiopia, Rwanda, Republic of Congo), while analyzing the influence of negotiating blocs like the G77 and China, BASIC, and the LDC group in securing climate finance and adaptation support.

The report examines vertical integration in National Adaptation Plan (NAP) processes, finding that while most countries reference sub-national governments and non-governmental actors, there are varying levels of integration across planning, implementation, and monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) stages.

The report examines vertical integration in National Adaptation Plans (NAPs), highlighting the roles of subnational governments and non-governmental actors. Based on an analysis of 45 multisectoral NAPs, it finds that while most countries recognize subnational roles in planning and implementation, gaps remain in monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) and stable financial flows to local levels. It provides recommendations for national governments, subnational authorities, development partners, and funding bodies to strengthen multi-level coordination and capacity.

The document evaluates the state of governance in Africa using indices such as the Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) and the Ibrahim Index of African Governance (IIAG). It finds that while some progress has been made in 'voice and accountability', overall governance trends have remained static or declined since 1996. The analysis suggests that while APRM members are statistically more likely to show governance improvement than non-members, the number of reviews undergone does not definitively correlate with better scores. The author argues that both the APRM and the AGR suffer from a lack of implementation of their recommendations and that the AGR risks duplicating the APRM's efforts.

The document evaluates the impact of AU governance tools, finding that while APRM members are statistically more likely to show governance improvements than non-members, neither the APRM nor the AGR has fundamentally reversed a general trend of stagnation or decline in African governance since 1996. It highlights a lack of resilience in governance scores following shocks and argues that the focus of these mechanisms must shift from providing recommendations to ensuring their implementation.

The report analyzes 41 multisectoral National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) to explore their role in managing loss and damage. It finds that while nearly half of NAPs explicitly mention loss and damage and almost all incorporate disaster risk management, there are significant gaps in addressing non-economic losses and irreversible impacts. The authors argue that NAPs are essential tools for minimizing loss and damage and recommend that international funding and planning for loss and damage build upon existing NAP risk assessments and institutional frameworks.

The report analyzes 41 multisectoral NAPs to determine the extent to which they integrate loss and damage (L&D) information and actions. It argues that NAPs are fundamental tools for minimizing L&D through adaptation and disaster risk management, though they often lack detailed analysis of irreversible impacts and non-economic losses. The authors propose a 'spectrum' approach to L&D—ranging from avoidance (mitigation) to minimization (adaptation/DRR) and addressing (humanitarian response/reparations)—and recommend that international financing mechanisms leverage existing NAP risk assessments to avoid duplication and ensure climate justice.

The document details the qualitative data collection for the MIGNEX project (2018–2023), which involved 104 focus group discussions, 516 key informant interviews, and extensive field observations and photography across 10 countries. It outlines the research ethics, the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on fieldwork, the process of creating an anonymized open data set for focus group transcripts, and the use of NVivo for coding and analysis. The text reflects on the co-production of knowledge, the role of local research assistants, and the challenges of maintaining transparency and equity in large-scale international collaborative research.

The paper analyzes how the EU uses conditionalities and compensations to manage migration through partnerships with third countries. It introduces a typology of these partnerships—carrot and stick, work around, pick and choose, façade, and reversed—and finds that power asymmetries often lead to a focus on irregular migration and return over the legal mobility channels desired by partner countries.

The document analyzes the varied diplomatic positions of African nations regarding the Ukraine war, noting a split between those condemning Russia and those maintaining neutrality to preserve bilateral ties. It argues that African states should move from being passive bystanders to proactive actors by mediating peace, filling resource gaps created by sanctions, diversifying commodity imports, and strengthening pan-African unity.

The annex outlines the technical specifications for forecasting Tunisia's development to 2040. It details data replacements from sources like UNICEF and the National Statistics Bureau, and specifies interventions across four scenarios: a common baseline, 'Going for Growth', 'Leapfrogging', and 'Sustainability & Equality'. These interventions target economic freedom, corruption, education quality, ICT infrastructure, renewable energy, and carbon taxation.

The report finds that while updated NDCs show increased country ownership, better alignment with national planning processes like National Adaptation Plans (NAPs), and a higher number of prioritized actions, most of these actions remain implementation-unready due to a lack of clear indicators, costs, and time frames. It highlights a general lack of understanding and explicit planning for transformative adaptation and a limited operationalization of 'Loss and Damage' concepts within national contexts.

The document traces the history of international efforts to combat land degradation, from the 1972 Stockholm Conference to the establishment of the UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD). It details the shift toward 'land degradation neutrality' (LDN), a goal integrated into SDG target 15.3, which aims to balance productive land loss with recovery. The paper identifies critical barriers to LDN implementation, including insecure land tenure, gender inequality in land ownership, lack of national coordination, and insufficient funding, while highlighting initiatives like the Great Green Wall and the LDN Fund.

The U.S. Government Global Water Strategy 2022-2027 establishes a whole-of-government approach to achieve a water-secure world. It prioritizes four strategic objectives: strengthening sector governance and financing, increasing equitable access to climate-resilient water and sanitation services, improving the conservation of freshwater resources, and reducing water-related conflict. The strategy emphasizes local leadership, the needs of marginalized populations, and the integration of climate resilience. Implementation is coordinated through the Interagency Water Working Group (IWWG) and focuses on High-Priority Countries (HPCs) identified by a data-driven needs and opportunity index. Specific agency plans from USAID, the Department of State, CDC, and others detail how they will leverage technical expertise, diplomatic engagement, and financial tools to meet these goals.

The policy brief examines the severe fiscal constraints facing African countries during COVID-19 recovery, noting that while advanced economies mobilised about 6% of GDP, African countries mobilised barely 1%. It highlights the inadequacy of current debt relief mechanisms like the DSSI and the Common Framework, and the high cost of borrowing from international capital markets due to unfair credit ratings. The author proposes five policy priorities: establishing national donor coordination frameworks, reallocating public investment to de-risk private projects, extending the DSSI for two years with partial debt cancellation, creating a transparent multilateral framework for debt resolution involving commercial creditors, and exploring the establishment of independent, publicly owned credit rating agencies.