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The document argues that while the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance provides a normative framework, democratic processes in Africa have largely stagnated in a transitional phase, often trapped in an 'electoral fallacy' where regular elections occur without deep institutional consolidation. It identifies internal pressures—such as the rise of populism, election-related violence, and long-term leadership—and external pressures—including the influence of non-democratic powers like China, Russia, and Turkey, and a 'security-first' doctrine from Western actors—as primary drivers of democratic recession. Despite these challenges, the author notes positive signals such as the increasing number of charter signatories, the role of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), and the effectiveness of ECOWAS in restoring democracy in specific instances. The briefing recommends limiting the concentration of power through term limits and shifting international investment toward domestic democratic processes rather than just regional frameworks.

The report introduces a framework for measuring 'additionality' in climate finance, focusing on whether public investments catalyze activity that would not have occurred under a business-as-usual scenario. It details a qualitative multi-criteria assessment (MCA) for individual projects and a quantitative 'additionality modifier' based on the IESE VCPE Index for portfolio-level analysis. The findings suggest that private equity is a viable instrument for additionality as it often targets high-risk markets where commercial investment is otherwise lacking.

The document analyzes the institutionalization of 'Xi Jinping Thought' and its impact on China-Africa relations, highlighting five trends: the centrality of the Communist Party of China (CPC), the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), support for UN reform, an expanded global military role, and stricter internet governance. It warns that while China offers development alternatives to the West, these trends may increase debt burdens, promote illiberal internet regimes, and increase the militarization of the continent.

The research paper evaluates South Africa's foreign policy during the presidency of Jacob Zuma, highlighting the shift toward emerging powers like China and the BRICS grouping while noting a decline in human rights commitments and strained relations with the West. It contrasts Zuma's multilateral approach with the 'African Renaissance' focus of his predecessor, Thabo Mbeki, and argues that domestic issues like xenophobia and the Marikana Massacre have damaged South Africa's continental leadership and global image.

The research examines the fragmented nature of migration regulation across three African regional economic communities (RECs)—SADC, EAC, and Comesa—and their integration into the Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA). While the EAC has made significant progress in ratifying and implementing protocols for the free movement of labour and persons, SADC and Comesa suffer from low ratification rates and a tendency to treat economic migration as a national security threat. The document highlights that the TFTA, which covers 26 states with a combined GDP of $1.2 trillion, requires the removal of migration barriers to achieve its market integration goals. Case studies of Tanzania and Rwanda illustrate the tension between regional liberalisation and domestic protectionism, as well as the benefits of an economically driven migration policy. The authors argue that for the TFTA to succeed, RECs must move beyond a security-centric approach and link migration policies to economic imperatives.

The document analyzes Tanzania's struggle to develop a National System of Innovation (NSI) and horizontal linkages due to low industrial capacity and skill shortages. It focuses on the Central Development Corridor (CDC), a logistics system connecting Dar es Salaam to the Great Lakes hinterland, highlighting how coordination failures, private sector concession collapses, and fluctuating mineral prices have delayed infrastructure progress. While recent improvements in port efficiency and border services have occurred, the study concludes that government-led investment, rather than reliance on mining firms, is essential for multipurpose infrastructure.

The workshop, organized by the IGF in partnership with the UNDP and OECD, focused on the 'IGF Guide for Governments: Managing Artisanal and Small-Scale Mining'. It combined technical training on strategy development—covering startup, elaboration, and implementation phases—with field visits to mining sites in Eséka and Pouma, Cameroon. Participants identified common regional challenges, including formalization, child labor, environmental degradation, and lack of institutional coordination, while sharing case studies from Cameroon, Guinea, Mauritania, and Morocco.

The report provides an evaluation of corporate peacebuilding initiatives, arguing that most 'Business for Peace' (B4P) efforts have yielded few positive impacts and can sometimes exacerbate local conflicts. It presents seven key questions for firms to assess their impact on conflict environments, local definitions of peace, socio-economic structures, and supply chain links to conflict actors. The authors conclude that the most peace-positive strategy is often to avoid conflict regions entirely and that substantive progress requires binding, independently verified regulatory initiatives.

The document examines the tension between Rwanda's national development goals—such as becoming a middle-income country by 2020—and the resulting pressure on natural resources at the district level. Focusing on Rutsiro, Bugesera, and Kirehe, it identifies widespread scarcity of woody biomass and clean water, driven by urban demand for charcoal and traditional farming practices. It argues that while national strategies like the Green Growth and Climate Resilience Strategy exist, there is a gap in translating these into local action, necessitating tailored district-level solutions and national policy incentives to shift urban energy demand away from charcoal.

The report analyzes the ramifications of the EU's January 2016 decision to reduce AMISOM peacekeeper allowances by 20%, from US$1,028 to US$822 per month. This move triggered a rift between the African Union (AU), troop-contributing countries (TCCs), and donors, while accelerating the development of a concrete exit strategy for the mission. The EU's decision was driven by donor fatigue, shifting priorities toward the Sahel region, and internal regulations regarding the use of the African Peace Facility. TCCs, particularly Uganda and Kenya, initially threatened withdrawal, though national security interests and the desire for regional stability largely prevailed. The report highlights a critical gap between donor expectations for AMISOM to 'do more' against al-Shabaab and the TCCs' claims of severe under-resourcing and a lack of local Somali security capacity to hold liberated territory.

The document analyzes the deteriorating relationship between the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the African Union (AU), specifically focusing on the politicization of the court through UN Security Council referrals in Sudan and Libya. It argues that the AU's preference for political stability and peace-building often clashes with the ICC's judicial mandate. To resolve this, the author suggests a shift toward 'positive complementarity' and the use of hybrid courts, citing the Extraordinary African Chambers (EAC) in Senegal as a successful model for bringing justice closer to victims and respecting state sovereignty while combating impunity.

The research paper examines the persistent issue of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) perpetrated by UN peacekeepers, particularly in conflict-affected regions of Africa. It highlights how power imbalances and poverty drive transactional sex and notes that legal hurdles, such as Status of Force Agreements (SOFAs), often shield perpetrators from prosecution by leaving jurisdiction with home countries. The paper details the UN's response through Resolution 1325 and Resolution 2272, the latter of which empowers the Secretary-General to repatriate troops and requires member states to report on investigations. It concludes that while reforms under Secretary-General António Guterres provide an opportunity for improvement, success depends on sustained political will and balancing troop deployment needs with stringent vetting.

This report by the Institute for Security Studies examines the African Union's (AU) use of mediation as a conflict-prevention tool. It analyzes the institutional gaps, the tension between formal and informal approaches, and the need for a more structured, long-term strategy to address the root causes of conflict in Africa.

The document analyzes the challenges and opportunities for expanding electricity access in Tanzania, focusing on the role of the private sector and the AfDB. It highlights the financial instability of the national utility, TANESCO, and the impact of recurring droughts on hydropower. The paper argues for a shift toward renewable energy and the development of a local renewable energy value chain to support industrialization and rural access.

The document examines the deteriorating security and political situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) as of October 2017, specifically focusing on the repeated postponement of national elections by President Joseph Kabila and the humanitarian crisis in the Kasai region. It criticizes SADC for its 'lacklustre' response and adherence to 'non-interference', which the author suggests aligns the body with the incumbent regime. The briefing warns that further instability could trigger a full-scale war, exacerbate refugee flows into neighbouring countries like Angola, and undermine previous peace gains. It recommends that SADC pressure President Kabila to hold elections, condemn government involvement in mass killings, and revive its role as a peace facilitator.

The assessment finds that Rwanda possesses a strong legal and regulatory framework for mining, particularly in permitting and the formalization of artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM). However, it identifies significant gaps in the implementation of these policies, specifically regarding environmental monitoring, socioeconomic impact assessments, and mine closure planning. While the government shows a strong willingness to improve the sector, the report highlights a lack of technical capacity and a need for better integration between the Rwanda Development Board (RDB) and the Ministry of Natural Resources (MINIRENA).

The document argues that while climate-smart agriculture (CSA) can enhance food security and climate resilience in sub-Saharan Africa, its adoption is hindered by physical input shortages and institutional failures. It recommends improving tenure security, expanding financial instruments like crop insurance, and strengthening local governance and scientific research to scale these practices.

The paper examines Tanzania's strategic potential as a maritime hub, focusing on the Dar es Salaam Port and the Central and Dar es Salaam corridors. It highlights significant infrastructure deficits, particularly in the rail sector, and evaluates the role of public-private partnerships (PPPs) and foreign direct investment (FDI) in bridging the finance gap. The author argues that while port upgrades are progressing, the dilapidated state of railways undermines regional competitiveness. The document concludes with recommendations to prioritise the repair of existing narrow-gauge railways, improve PPP management, and implement targeted strategies to ensure that infrastructure investments translate into local skills transfer and employment.

The report examines the distinct challenges of financial market development in fragility-affected states in Africa (FASA), where financial exclusion is significantly higher than in non-fragile sub-Saharan African countries. It advocates for a 'market systems' or 'M4P' approach based on facilitation and adaptive management rather than direct implementation. Key priorities identified include the development of functional identification solutions, risk-based tiered KYC regulations, and the scaling of promising practices such as Islamic finance, refugee/IDP finance, and impact investing. The document emphasizes that systemic change in these volatile contexts requires long-term commitment, a high tolerance for risk, and a deep understanding of local political economy and conflict dynamics.

The document examines the African Union's (AU) efforts to integrate youth into democratic governance, highlighting the African Governance Architecture-Youth Engagement Strategy (AGA-YES) and the African Youth Charter. It argues that despite these frameworks, young people remain largely alienated and marginalised, facing significant barriers such as unemployment and restrictive legislation. The brief details findings from 2016 regional consultations, noting that youth often lack knowledge of the AU human rights system and face systemic hurdles like prohibitive age requirements for political office. It recommends that member states domesticate AU shared values, repeal discriminatory laws, and move beyond tokenistic engagement to harness the potential of Africa's youth demographic.