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The letter expresses concern that carbon offsets are undermining EU climate goals by stifling domestic emission reductions and supporting projects that lack environmental integrity. It specifically highlights the negative impacts of coal-fired power plants and large hydro projects in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), as well as the lack of transparency in Track 1 Joint Implementation (JI).

The document analyzes how the European Union has integrated New Member States (NMS) into its climate framework through various effort-sharing mechanisms. It highlights the systemic economic and energy divergences between the EU15 and NMS, such as higher energy intensity and coal dependence in the East. The report examines the evolution of target distribution from the Kyoto Protocol and the EU ETS Phase II to the 2008 Climate and Energy Package, concluding that while centralized governance and GDP-based redistribution have improved fairness and ambition, they have often come at the cost of economic efficiency and domestic sovereignty over energy mixes.

This report by Friends of the Earth International highlights the 'ecological war' waged by extractive industries, detailing the deaths and repression of activists in countries such as Nigeria, the Philippines, and Colombia. It argues that Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is a myth used to mask systemic abuses and calls for an end to fossil fuel addiction and the protection of indigenous territories.

The document uses the Dynamic Interactive Vulnerability Assessment (DIVA) Model to project that under a medium-to-high emissions scenario (A1B(I)), annual damage costs in the EU could reach €25 billion by the 2080s, with 250,000 people flooded annually. It argues that a combination of mitigation (to limit long-term rise) and adaptation (such as dikes and beach nourishment) is the most effective response, noting that adaptation can reduce annual damage costs by up to 90% with a high benefit-to-cost ratio.

The report examines the role of social networking sites (SNSs) in advancing sustainable development, categorizing them into mainstream, niche, and professional platforms. It argues that while mainstream sites often 'dumb down' sustainability to low-cost virtual actions, niche and professional networks can foster deeper expertise and collaboration. The author contrasts two governance perspectives: rational democratic governance, which views SNSs with caution due to their lack of structure, and adaptive governance, which sees them as essential tools for social learning and breaking institutional silos. The document concludes that for SNSs to improve governance, there must be a shift toward open data, diverse platforms, and a move beyond simple fundraising applications.

The document defines the right to information as a cornerstone of democracy and a fundamental human right, detailing its legal origins in UN declarations and the nine principles for effective legislation. It analyzes the gap between the existence of laws and their practical application, noting that while such laws increase response rates to information requests, challenges like discrimination and bureaucratic resistance persist. The guide emphasizes the critical roles of civil society and the media in advocating for transparency and holding governments accountable.

The paper explores using revenues from the sale of Bulgaria's surplus Assigned Amount Units (AAUs) to fund a Green Investment Scheme (GIS). It focuses on bioenergy, arguing that Bulgaria's underutilized biomass resources could support large-scale fuel switching from electricity and oil to wood-based heating. The authors propose a 'programmatic approach' to overcome the high transaction costs that hindered similar projects under Joint Implementation (JI). Financial assessments suggest mitigation costs for municipal building fuel switches could be as low as 12.7 Euro per tonne of CO2 reduced, while household switches would cost between 24.9 and 30.2 Euro per tonne.

The report analyzes Green Investment Schemes (GIS) as a hybrid carbon finance mechanism in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) that 'greens' surplus Assigned Amount Units (AAUs) by earmarking sales revenues for domestic climate mitigation. It argues that GIS can overcome the failures of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and Joint Implementation (JI)—particularly in energy efficiency and small-scale projects—by utilizing more flexible, programmatic architectures and simplified monitoring and verification (M&V). The report identifies the thermal retrofitting of old building stock as a high-priority target area due to its long-term climate impact and significant social co-benefits. It provides specific architectural recommendations, such as the use of sectoral baselines, post-2012 crediting periods, and the dominance of 'hard greening' to ensure environmental integrity.

The report assesses Green Investment Schemes (GIS) as a carbon finance mechanism to unlock surplus Assigned Amount Units (AAUs) in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). It argues that GIS can overcome the failures of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and Joint Implementation (JI) by targeting high-priority, long-term mitigation areas such as building energy efficiency and bioenergy. The authors recommend using programmatic approaches, simplified monitoring and verification (M&V), and extending crediting periods beyond 2012 to ensure the bankability of infrastructure projects. The report estimates the potential value of transacted AAUs at approximately €9 billion and highlights the importance of additionality to maintain environmental integrity.

The document analyzes Hungary's implementation of a Green Investment Scheme (GIS) to utilize revenues from the sale of Assigned Amount Units (AAUs) for greenhouse gas mitigation. It details the legal framework established by Act LX of 2007 and Government Decree 323/2007, emphasizing a 'hard greening' approach where funds are invested in projects with measurable emission reductions. The paper focuses heavily on the buildings sector, proposing a programmatic approach to bundle small-scale energy efficiency projects that are typically ineligible for Joint Implementation (JI) due to high transaction costs. It outlines a subsidy system based on energy labeling (Categories C to A++) and provides financial assessments for retrofits and new constructions, while comparing energy efficiency experiences across Central and Eastern European countries.

The report assesses Green Investment Schemes (GIS) as a hybrid carbon finance mechanism in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) that combines the sale of Assigned Amount Units (AAUs) with domestic greening activities. It argues that GIS can address mitigation priorities that other mechanisms, such as Joint Implementation (JI) and the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), have failed to deliver, particularly in building energy efficiency and small-scale bioenergy. The authors emphasize that because the window for these transactions closes in 2012, GIS should prioritize long-term, low-carbon infrastructure and high-additionality projects rather than lowest-cost measures. Key recommendations include adopting simplified monitoring and verification (M&V) processes, allowing post-2012 fund disbursement, and utilizing a programmatic approach to reduce transaction costs for small-scale investments.

The report examines the Joint Implementation (JI) mechanism of the Kyoto Protocol, detailing its two operational tracks and comparing it to the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). It highlights significant delays in implementation, particularly in Russia and Ukraine, and the restrictive impact of the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS) on projects in Central and Eastern Europe. The document also analyzes the role of Green Investment Schemes (GIS) as an alternative to JI and concludes that the mechanism's late start and short crediting period (ending in 2012) threaten its overall viability unless post-2012 certainty is established.

The report finds that while many governments have established legal frameworks for freedom of information, actual practice lags behind, particularly regarding proactive information release and meaningful public participation. It argues that environmental access rights are human rights and that their implementation improves the legitimacy and quality of environmental decisions. The document identifies hurdles such as vested interests and lack of capacity, and provides recommendations for governments and advocates to foster a culture of openness and accountability in environmental governance.

The paper evaluates whether global adaptation funds are 'technically adequate' by measuring the adherence of the GEF and its Implementing Agencies (IAs) to guidance from the UNFCCC Conference of the Parties (COP). It concludes that the funds are technically inadequate due to complex design and poor implementation, which forces developing countries to 'adapt their projects' to fit available funding rather than the other way around.

The Russian Federation proposed a two-track approach to climate targets: a 'Kyoto track' to simplify the bureaucratic process for countries joining Annex B, and a 'Convention track' to recognize and incentivize voluntary targets by Non-Annex I countries through finance and technology transfer. While Annex B parties generally supported the simplification of accession procedures, Non-Annex I countries expressed skepticism, fearing that voluntary targets could eventually be converted into binding commitments. The report notes that the proposal lacked detail on the allocation of emitting rights for new Annex B members and suggests the initiative may have been driven by internal Russian agency competition.

The document examines the European Investment Bank's (EIB) environmental framework, specifically its 2002 and 2004 Environmental Statements. While the EIB claims to prioritize environmental protection and align with EU standards, NGOs argue that the Bank continues to fund fossil fuel extraction and aviation projects that contradict climate goals. The text details the EIB's internal environmental units and its targets for renewable energy and CO2 reduction, while listing specific reforms demanded by civil society to increase transparency and accountability.

The paper argues that while GATS does not explicitly mandate privatization, its market access and national treatment obligations can indirectly encourage it and limit a government's capacity to implement universal service obligations (USOs) and subsidies. By analyzing environmental services commitments from the US, Estonia, the EC, and Nordic/Swiss countries, the authors demonstrate how specific 'carve-outs' and conditions in schedules can preserve regulatory flexibility. The document highlights the particular risk to developing countries, where privatization is often driven by international financial institutions, potentially locking them into GATS commitments that hinder the fulfillment of the human right to water.

The document analyzes the legal tensions between GATS trade liberalization and the regulation of water services, which are often natural monopolies. It examines how different WTO Members use 'specific commitments' to carve out public utilities and preserve the ability to impose universal service obligations and subsidies. The authors argue that the ambiguity of GATS terms and the political pressure on developing countries may lead to a loss of regulatory autonomy over essential water services.

The document examines the EIB's environmental framework, highlighting contradictions where the bank claims to support EU climate goals while continuing to fund fossil fuels and aviation. It details the EIB's 2002 and 2004 environmental statements, its internal organizational structure for environmental assessment, and a series of reform demands from NGOs to increase transparency and accountability.

The Basel Action Network and a coalition of environmental NGOs oppose the U.S. State Department's plan to selectively ratify the 1989 Basel Convention while refusing the 1995 Ban Amendment. The authors argue that the original convention is inadequate and that the Ban Amendment is essential to end 'toxic colonialism' by prohibiting hazardous waste exports from OECD countries to non-OECD nations. They contend that the ban provides a necessary incentive for industry to reduce waste production and toxicity, and they urge the U.S. to either ratify the entire framework or not accede to the treaty at all.