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The report exposes how 400 banks and 400 investors provided billions in support for LNG expansion between 2021 and 2024, despite IEA warnings that no new export facilities are necessary for a 1.5C pathway. It highlights a significant gap between the net-zero pledges of financial institutions and their actual lending and investment practices, noting that most top funders lack effective LNG-specific policies. The document details the climate risks of methane leakage and the social impacts of LNG projects, while calling for a complete end to financial services for new LNG export and import terminals.

The 2024 Scorecard by Insure Our Future argues that the global insurance industry is in a 'vicious cycle,' where it continues to underwrite fossil fuel expansion while simultaneously withdrawing coverage from communities facing the resulting climate risks. Using climate attribution science, the report estimates that over one-third of weather-related insured losses between 2002 and 2022—approximately $600 billion—are attributable to human-caused climate change. The analysis reveals a stark mismatch in underwriting, with renewable energy premiums representing less than 30% of the size of the fossil fuel insurance market in 2023. For 15 of the 28 major property and casualty insurers analyzed, estimated climate-attributable losses exceeded the premiums they collected from fossil fuel clients. While Generali is noted as the first insurer to restrict oil and gas expansion across the entire value chain, the report concludes that voluntary corporate leadership has stalled, necessitating urgent regulatory intervention to mandate 1.5°C-aligned transition plans and higher capital requirements for fossil fuel exposure.

The document assesses the gap between Colombia's robust policy frameworks for the 2030 Agenda and climate goals and their actual implementation, which is hindered by conflicting priorities and institutional weaknesses. It highlights that while most land-use policies are synergistic, specific conflicts—particularly within mining legislation—and the criminalization of peasant farmers through military operations like Operation Artemisa undermine conservation efforts. The authors argue that overcoming this incoherence requires better inter-agency coordination, community engagement, and regional cooperation within the Amazon biome.

The document examines the transition of energy-intensive heavy industries toward net-zero emissions, highlighting how global trade dynamics and national policies in developed economies impact emerging markets. It identifies four primary technological levers for decarbonization: energy efficiency, alternative fuel use/electrification, material efficiency, and carbon capture and storage. The author argues that while developing countries with abundant renewables can become new green industrial hubs, they face significant risks from carbon border measures, green protectionism, and reduced access to secondary materials. The briefing emphasizes the need for international coordination on standards, technology transfer, and finance to ensure a just transition for emerging and developing economies.

President Cyril Ramaphosa accepted the G20 Presidency for South Africa, announcing the theme 'Solidarity, Equality and Sustainability'. He committed to advancing the Sustainable Development Goals and the Pact for the Future, while prioritizing inclusive economic growth, food security, and AI for sustainable development. Ramaphosa emphasized the need to address wealth disparities, specifically noting the lack of sustainable financing for climate action and the burden of national debt in developing countries.

The First Amendment to the Agreement for Scientific or Technological Cooperation between FAPESP and IAI extends the original agreement's duration by ten years, setting a new termination date of 7 January 2035. It also establishes new areas for information exchange and collaboration, including equity and diversity in science, traditional knowledge for climate change adaptation and biodiversity conservation, scientific diplomacy via the IAI Regional Center for Scientific Diplomacy, open data and open science, and transdisciplinary science for public policy development.

The We Mean Business Coalition describes the COP29 finance deal as insufficient, noting that the $300bn figure falls short of developing countries' needs. While the coalition views the 'Baku to Belém Roadmap' as a positive step for scaling public finance, it argues that the final agreement missed a leadership opportunity by omitting specific language on transitioning from fossil fuels. The coalition highlights that the global market for clean technologies is projected to exceed $2 trillion by 2035 and calls for 1.5°C-aligned Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to mobilize private investment.

South Africa's upcoming G20 presidency is positioned as a critical lever for reforming the global financial architecture to better support African nations facing a severe debt crisis and escalating climate risks. The paper highlights that Africa's debt has surged by 183% since 2010, with 57% of the population living in countries that spend more on interest payments than on healthcare, education, and infrastructure. It critiques existing G20 mechanisms like the Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI) and the Common Framework for Debt Treatments for their slow implementation and failure to secure private creditor participation. The author advocates for a holistic approach that links debt sustainability with climate resilience, noting that climate financing needs are projected to exceed USD 10 trillion annually from 2031 to 2050. South Africa's presidency, themed 'solidarity, equality and sustainable development', aims to amplify the voice of the Global South and the African Union within the G20 to secure equitable debt relief and increased concessional finance for climate adaptation.

Attribution studies in Brazil indicate that fossil fuel combustion increased the likelihood and intensity of recent floods in Rio Grande do Sul and droughts in the Amazon. Despite these impacts, the Brazilian government continues to support oil and gas expansion, with plans to increase oil production by 63% and gas by 124% by 2032. Petrobras, which controls over 90% of domestic production, is estimated to be responsible for USD 500 billion in climate damages between 2018 and 2023. While Brazil has pledged to reduce emissions by up to 67% by 2035 and has successfully increased wind and solar power to reduce reliance on hydropower, its overall climate policies are rated as 'Insufficient' by Climate Action Tracker.

The document outlines the role of supply-side policies in accelerating the transition to zero-emission vehicles (ZEVs) by influencing manufacturers to increase the production and sale of compliant vehicles. It highlights a broader analysis of ZEV policies in eight specific markets—Australia, Brazil, China, the European Union, India, Indonesia, the United States, and South Africa—to identify policy gaps and the link between policy design and the mobilization of financing.

The author contends that the global food system has reached 'peak land' and that decoupling agricultural land use from food production allows for the retirement of marginal land. By paying farmers to stop farming unproductive areas, the document suggests that environmental services can be restored and GHG emissions reduced by 20-40% if 5% of farmland is retired by 2030 and 10% by 2050.

The New Development Bank (NDB) has expanded its mandate to support climate action and sustainable development but faces challenges including aligning financing with local currency and non-sovereign lending.

The document examines the resurgence of military coups in Africa since 2020 and the fragmented reactions of BRICS nations. It argues that while Russia engages in 'coup protection schemes' and China maintains a 'non-interventionist policy' to secure economic interests, India, Brazil, and South Africa have taken more muted or supportive stances toward constitutional order. This lack of unity suggests BRICS operates as a 'house of cards' with disaggregated interests, potentially limiting its ability to effectively challenge US and European influence in Africa.

The text asserts that the green energy transition is currently acting as a vehicle for "colonialismo verde" (green colonialism), where indigenous territories are exploited without proper consent. It highlights that failing to protect indigenous rights creates strategic risks for governments and industries, citing legal challenges to wind energy in Sweden and the negative impacts of the Belo Monte hydroelectric project in Brazil. The author calls on G20 leaders to move beyond the T20 Communiqué's recommendations by reforming land-use laws, addressing power asymmetries through dedicated funding, and recognizing indigenous leadership in defining a just transition.

The authors call for a shift from a market-driven digital ecosystem to one based on Communication Rights, which treats media and AI as public utilities rather than commodities. They trace the history of communication struggles from the MacBride Commission to the current era of 'data colonialism,' where Big Tech extracts personal data as a resource. The document proposes a set of 'non-negotiables' for the WSIS+20 summit, including data sovereignty, public ownership of AI, and the creation of a new UN institution dedicated to Communication Rights.

The authors contend that current climate contingency planning is "care-blind," ignoring the disproportionate burden on caregivers—primarily women and girls—during environmental crises. They highlight that G20 nations with the highest gender inequality in care responsibilities are often the most climate-vulnerable. The text calls for the G20 to include caregivers in high-level decision-making to address issues such as restricted mobility, lack of survival skills, and financial instability, noting that climate-driven disease outbreaks further increase care burdens.

The document asserts that the green transition is currently acting as a vehicle for "green colonialism," where Indigenous rights are sidelined for profit and development. It highlights a gap between policy ambitions and reality, citing the EU's Critical Raw Materials Act and the Belo Monte Hydroelectric Dam in Brazil as examples of failures to protect Indigenous communities. The author argues that upholding Indigenous rights is a pragmatic necessity, as Indigenous Peoples are increasingly using legal actions to stop or delay projects. In Sweden, 42 court cases involving Sámi herding communities are influencing wind energy developers to seek consent more proactively, while the Business & Human Rights Resource Centre has tracked 60 global legal cases against renewable energy projects brought by Indigenous communities.

The document is an open letter calling on governments to combat climate disinformation, which it argues undermines public understanding and delays urgent climate action. It specifically demands that governments hold media, advertising technology, and tech companies accountable by encouraging them to adopt a universal definition of climate disinformation, increase transparency, and stop the monetization of false content. The signatories advocate for the adoption of the UN's Global Principles for Information Integrity to foster a healthier online environment and support the goals of the Paris Agreement and IPCC scientific consensus.

The document argues that climate disinformation, driven by vested interests and enabled by big tech, undermines global climate negotiations and public safety. It urges governments to adopt the UN's Global Principles For Information Integrity and pressure social media, advertising, and publishing companies to recognize the threat, adopt a universal definition of climate disinformation, and implement transparent plans to stop its spread.

Global warming projections for 2100 have remained stagnant since 2021, with current policies leading to a median estimate of 2.7°C of warming. While clean energy investments now double those for fossil fuels, record-high fossil fuel subsidies and funding for prolonging projects are preventing the steep emissions decline required by the Paris Agreement. The briefing emphasizes that seven large emitters and the COP Troika countries, responsible for 63% of 2022 global emissions, must set more ambitious 2030 and 2035 targets to align with 1.5°C.