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The document argues that fossil fuel subsidies are often socially regressive and environmentally damaging, and that their reform can provide the necessary budgetary space to fund a just transition for workers and communities. It outlines strategies for successful reform, including market-based pricing, impact management, and stakeholder engagement, while highlighting the higher employment potential of renewable energy sectors compared to fossil fuels.

The report argues that fossil fuel subsidy reform (FFSR) is a critical tool for financing a just transition, as global subsidies total at least USD 425 billion per year. It posits that FFSR can reduce global carbon emissions by roughly 10 per cent by 2050 if both production and consumption subsidies are eliminated. The document outlines a framework for successful reform based on three elements: getting prices right, managing impacts, and building support. Through case studies of Morocco, Mexico, Argentina, Indonesia, and the Netherlands, the report demonstrates that while FFSR can create budgetary space for social safety nets and renewable energy, a lack of stakeholder engagement and abrupt price hikes—as seen in Mexico—can lead to civil unrest. Conversely, the Netherlands' long-term transition of its coal sector illustrates how targeted supports and social dialogue can protect workers during industrial shifts.

The document analyzes how economic globalization and trade impact in-country inequality and social inclusion, arguing that while trade is often blamed for rising inequality, other factors like technology and political economy play more significant roles. It discusses the tension between national sovereignty for social cohesion and the multilateral rules-based order of the WTO. The author suggests that the WTO must adapt through incremental, plurilateral negotiations to remain relevant and avoid a return to mercantilist 'beggar thy neighbour' policies, while advising the South African government to balance its need for policy space with the preservation of the multilateral system.

The document analyzes the conceptual frameworks, global and regional experiences, and existing sectoral information systems in Peru to guide the creation of a national M&E system for climate change adaptation. It highlights that while Peru has strong political commitments and sectoral data, it lacks a formally approved National Adaptation Plan and a corresponding national M&E system.

The report finds that 16 of the 25 major emitting countries and regions analysed are not on track to meet their self-determined NDC targets. While some countries like Brazil, China, and India are likely to achieve their targets with current policies, others, including the US, EU, and Canada, require additional measures. Furthermore, current policies are projected to fail to prevent emissions from increasing up to 2030 relative to 2010 levels in both developing and OECD nations, with only Japan and the EU projected to see further decreases.

The document critiques the European Commission's proposal for a Multilateral Investment Court, asserting that it merely rebrands the controversial investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) system without addressing its substantive flaws. It argues that ISDS allows corporations to challenge public interest laws—including those related to health, environment, and human rights—through biased tribunals, often resulting in massive taxpayer-funded payouts. The report claims the proposed court would further institutionalize this imbalance, undermine national judiciaries, and create a parallel legal system accessible only to foreign investors. It concludes by advocating for the termination of bilateral investment treaties and the adoption of a UN treaty to regulate transnational corporations.

Twenty-three major retailers and consumer goods companies, including Tesco and McDonald's, have called on soy and cattle agribusinesses to stop deforestation in Latin America, particularly in Brazil's Cerrado. Mighty Earth argues that with 500 million acres of degraded land available, native ecosystem destruction is unnecessary. The organization urges companies like Cargill and Bunge to expand their Amazon deforestation efforts to other regions and proposes a land-use change monitoring system for soy-growing areas costing between $750,000 and $1,000,000 to establish.

Mighty Earth and a coalition of environmental groups support the reduction of US biodiesel mandates, arguing that the fuel is not 'green' because it relies on virgin vegetable oils that drive deforestation in Latin America and Southeast Asia. The document highlights that biodiesel production contributes to carbon emissions and water pollution, such as the Gulf of Mexico's Dead Zone. While the EPA initially sought input on reducing mandates, the document notes that President Trump later intervened to reverse this course due to pressure from agricultural lobbying groups.

Friends of the Earth International asserts that the current global energy model, dominated by fossil fuels and corporate-led 'false solutions', is driving a planetary emergency. The statement criticizes the Paris Agreement as insufficient and legally unenforceable, calling for urgent emission reductions by wealthy nations and a shift toward decentralized, community-led energy systems.

The statement by Friends of the Earth International characterizes the current climate situation as a 'planetary emergency' and criticizes the Paris Agreement for lacking legal enforcement and science-based cuts. It calls for the immediate end of fossil fuels—noting that over 1600 new coal plants are planned in 62 countries—and warns against 'false solutions' such as nuclear power and large-scale hydroelectric projects. The document advocates for a just transition where developed countries, whose 10% population is responsible for 50% of emissions, lead deep cuts and fund sustainable development in the global South. It promotes decentralized, people-centered community energy, agroecology, and community forest management as the only viable future.

Friends of the Earth International calls for a global movement to replace the centralized fossil fuel industry and other harmful energy sources—including nuclear power and large hydroelectric dams—with community-centered, sustainable energy. The statement asserts that the Paris Agreement is insufficient to limit warming to 1.5 degrees and demands that developed nations, responsible for the majority of emissions, lead emission reductions and provide financial support to the Global South.

The document evaluates how Brazil's Forest Code (Law No. 12.651/2012) compares to the land-use and forest protection laws of six other top agricultural exporters. It focuses on two main areas: riparian buffer zones and biodiversity conservation. The analysis finds that Brazil maintains some of the most stringent rules for private lands, particularly regarding mandatory no-harvest riparian zones and the requirement for all private properties to set aside land for biodiversity (Legal Forest Reserves) without compensation. While other countries use a mix of voluntary easements, financial incentives, and targeted zoning, Brazil's approach is more universally mandatory across private rural properties, though the report notes that the effectiveness of these rules depends on full implementation and enforcement.

The report compares forest and land use policies in Argentina, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, and the United States. It finds that Brazil's Forest Code (Law No. 12.651/2012) maintains more stringent requirements for private landowners than the other reviewed nations, particularly regarding mandatory riparian buffer zones and the requirement to set aside land for biodiversity protection without compensation. While other countries utilize voluntary incentives, easements, or specific species-at-risk policies, Brazil's framework imposes broad, mandatory obligations across all rural properties.

The study compares forest and land use laws in Argentina, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, and the United States, focusing on riparian Permanent Preservation Areas (APP) and biodiversity conservation. It finds that Brazil maintains some of the most stringent rules for private land, specifically regarding mandatory native vegetation reserves without financial compensation, although the 2012 Forest Code relaxed some parameters for areas consolidated before July 2008.

This report by Friends of the Earth International documents systemic human rights and environmental violations by transnational corporations (TNCs) across eight Latin American and Caribbean countries. It highlights cases of corporate impunity, the use of investor-state dispute settlement mechanisms to challenge public health and environmental policies, and the violent suppression of territory defenders. The document advocates for a legally binding international treaty to hold TNCs accountable and the creation of an International Tribunal on Human Rights and Transnational Corporations.

This report by Friends of the Earth International documents systemic human rights and environmental violations by transnational corporations across eight Latin American and Caribbean countries. It argues that a 'architecture of impunity'—composed of free trade agreements, investment protection treaties, and the ICSID arbitration system—shields corporations from accountability while allowing them to challenge public health and environmental policies. The report advocates for a legally binding UN treaty on transnational corporations and human rights, including the creation of an International Court to ensure justice for affected communities.

The report details various cases in Latin America where transnational corporations in mining, energy, agribusiness, and tobacco have violated human rights and caused environmental destruction. It highlights the 'architecture of impunity' created by bilateral investment treaties and the ICSID arbitration system, which allow companies to sue states over public interest policies. The document advocates for a binding international treaty and an independent international tribunal to ensure corporate accountability and the supremacy of human rights over commercial interests.

The report details cases of corporate abuse in Latin America, including mining disasters in Brazil, the assassination of environmental defenders in Mexico and Honduras, and legal battles over public health and water in Uruguay and Argentina. It argues that current international investment frameworks, such as the ICSID, protect corporate profits over human rights and national sovereignty. The authors call for a binding UN treaty to end corporate impunity and the establishment of an international tribunal to hold transnational companies accountable for environmental and social crimes.

In remarks delivered at the UN General Assembly, Manish Bapna emphasizes that open government is essential for achieving the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Paris Agreement on climate change. He warns that trust in government is at a historic low and that civic space is under attack, citing specific instances of activists being targeted in India, Kenya, and Mexico. Bapna calls for the Open Government Partnership (OGP) to make civic space a central component of National Action Plans and highlights examples of successful citizen engagement and transparency efforts in Argentina, Spain, Nigeria, and Indonesia.

The report argues that limiting free expression and expanding surveillance to combat terrorism is counterproductive, as it erodes democratic values and may exacerbate radicalisation. While traditional media can spread fear through sensationalism, it rarely confers legitimacy on extremist ideologies. Similarly, while the internet facilitates the reinforcement of extremist views, it is not the primary source of radicalisation. The author recommends international norms for internet governance, stricter oversight of surveillance tools, and a shift toward addressing the underlying drivers of extremism.