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The document explores the potential for the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) to monitor Agenda 2063 and the SDGs, noting strong normative and thematic alignment. However, it identifies critical barriers, including administrative weaknesses, lack of funding, and slow review cycles, which currently render the APRM incapable of the extensive monitoring required. The authors suggest that for the APRM to succeed, it must undergo substantial reform, improve the frequency of its reviews, and enhance its data-gathering capabilities through ICT and partnerships.

The policy brief examines the increasing presence of sub-Saharan African migrants in Algeria and Morocco, noting that while they have not been significantly implicated in terrorism, their precarious socio-economic conditions and exposure to racism create vulnerabilities. It advocates for the operationalisation of regularisation schemes and the adoption of non-coercive PVE strategies based on UN pillars to prevent future radicalisation.

The document examines the impacts of coal, oil, gas, and megadams across Africa, highlighting how these 'dirty energy' sources drive climate change and cause severe social and health crises. It details specific cases, such as South Africa's coal reliance, Uganda's oil expansion, and Mozambique's megadams, while warning against the 'extreme energy' frontier of fracking and tar sands. The briefing concludes that African governments must reject these outdated pathways in favor of decentralized, sustainable energy systems supported by climate finance from developed nations.

The document examines the impacts of 'dirty energy' (coal, oil, gas, nuclear, industrial biomass, mega-dams, and waste incineration) across Africa. It highlights how these technologies drive climate change, cause severe health and environmental damage, and often benefit elites and multinational corporations over local populations. The report provides case studies on coal in South Africa, oil in Nigeria and Uganda, mega-dams in Mozambique, and the risks of 'extreme energy' like fracking and bitumen extraction in the Maghreb and Nigeria. It concludes by calling for 'energy sovereignty' and a just transition to decentralized, renewable energy systems.

The document examines the impacts of 'polluting energy'—including fossil fuels, industrial biomass, and large dams—across Africa. It highlights how these systems often benefit elites and corporations while leaving local populations to face health crises, land grabbing, and climate vulnerability. Specific case studies focus on South Africa's coal dependency, oil extraction in Nigeria and Uganda, the influence of European energy policies in the Maghreb, and the social and environmental costs of large dams in Mozambique. The report concludes that African nations must avoid 'locking in' obsolete polluting technologies and instead pursue energy sovereignty through decentralized renewables.

The document analyzes the patterns of clandestine migration from North Africa to Europe, noting that while North Africans are a smaller group than sub-Saharan migrants, they are often innovators of new smuggling routes. It identifies three primary corridors: the central Mediterranean (increasingly popular via Libya), the eastern Mediterranean (via Turkey and the Balkans), and the western Mediterranean (declining due to security). The author argues that migration is primarily driven by economic desperation and youth unemployment rather than conflict, and that securitized border responses fail to address these root causes.

The document analyzes Africa's epidemiological transition, noting that while communicable diseases currently cause a disproportionate share of deaths, non-communicable diseases (NCDs) are rising. Using scenario modeling, it argues that achieving SDG 3.3 (eradicating communicable diseases) would significantly boost GDP and life expectancy but accelerate the shift toward NCDs, potentially stressing health systems. Conversely, achieving SDG 3.4 (reducing premature NCD deaths) improves productivity through reduced disability but offers smaller overall economic gains than the eradication of infectious diseases.

The document examines youth radicalisation in Africa as a complex phenomenon driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors. It argues that while religious ideology is often used as a justification, the actual drivers are frequently rooted in political repression, systemic corruption, socio-economic exclusion, and weakened family structures. The paper emphasizes that responses must be nuanced and evidence-based, moving beyond a 'one size fits all' approach to address specific local and structural vulnerabilities.

The document analyzes the dynamics of youth radicalization in Africa, arguing that it is a complex process driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors rather than a single cause. It highlights how government repression, corruption, high youth unemployment, and social exclusion create vulnerabilities that extremist groups like ISIS, Al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram exploit. The paper emphasizes that while religion is often used as a justification, the root causes are frequently socio-political and economic. It also examines the role of gender, noting that while most recruits are male, women's participation is increasing, often driven by different motivations or forced coercion.

The document examines how fragile states—characterized by poverty and weak institutions—are prone to recurring armed conflict. It describes a 'conflict trap' where low development leads to war, and war further degrades GDP and public services. The authors argue that the international community can break this cycle during peace settlements by deploying robust peacekeeping operations to solve 'commitment problems' and by ensuring peace agreements are inclusive of women and civil society rather than relying solely on elite bargains.

The document assesses the adoption and effectiveness of youth policies across Africa, highlighting a lag in adoption compared to global trends. It identifies critical failures in data collection, policy design, and state implementation capacity, while noting successes in creating youth representative bodies. The author argues that for youth policies to succeed, they must be evidence-based, realistic regarding state capacity, and supported by partnerships with non-state actors.

This research paper analyzes the state of constitutionalism and civil liberties across Africa by examining African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) Country Review Reports for 12 countries. It categorizes these nations based on Freedom House rankings and identifies systemic challenges to freedom, including executive dominance and securitization.

The report examines 'constitutional liberalism' in Africa, focusing on the gap between formal democratic structures and the actual protection of civil liberties. Using APRM data and Freedom House rankings, it categorizes countries as 'free', 'partly free', or 'not free', identifying executive dominance, securitisation, and administrative dysfunction as primary barriers to freedom.

Dr. Daniel A. Reifsnyder describes the iterative process of drafting the Paris Agreement, emphasizing the shift toward a 'Party-driven' approach and the breakdown of the 'firewall' between developed and developing nations. He highlights the importance of the October 5 non-paper as a template for the final deal and details the agreement's core goals, including temperature limits and a robust transparency system.

The document examines the critical role of National Governing Councils (NGCs) as the link between political leadership and technical research in the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It identifies significant inconsistencies in NGC size, composition, and legal status across participating states, which hinder the consistency and legitimacy of Country Self-Assessment Reports (CSAR). The brief argues that meaningful independence from government, clear legal mandates, and robust technical support from the APRM Secretariat are essential for the mechanism's success. It recommends that the Secretariat develop coherent guidelines and that civil society organisations (CSOs) hold governments accountable for the composition of these councils.

The author criticizes the European Union's criminalization of migration and the failure of neoliberal development models in the Maghreb. It highlights the link between environmental degradation—such as desertification and water scarcity—and forced migration, noting that 'environmental refugees' may reach 250 million by 2050. The text calls for a transition to 'post-development' cooperation that reduces Europe's ecological footprint while improving the Human Development Index (HDI) in the Maghreb, moving beyond the interests of extractive elites and the 'Washington Consensus'.

The author contends that the EU must move away from criminalizing migrants and implementing neoliberal economic models in the Maghreb. Instead, the document proposes a cooperation framework based on reciprocity and ecological awareness, highlighting how environmental issues—such as desertification in coastal areas and water scarcity linked to fracking in Algeria—drive social instability and migration. It criticizes the 'Washington consensus' and the lack of international legal recognition for environmental refugees, who are estimated to reach 250 million by 2050. The text also notes that political instability, corruption, and bilateral conflicts between nations like Morocco and Algeria hinder regional cooperation and the development of interregional projects.

The author critiques the European Union's current approach to migration, characterizing it as based on myths that criminalize migrants and ignore the systemic links between environmental degradation and displacement. The text argues that North Africa's future depends on moving away from neoliberal models and resource extraction—such as shale gas in Algeria—toward ecological sustainability and democratic stability. It calls for the recognition of 'ecological refugees' and a reduction of the Global North's ecological footprint to address the root causes of migration.

The report analyzes the power dynamics of Africa's five most influential states, using the Hillebrand-Herman-Moyer Index (HHMI) to forecast capabilities. It finds that while Nigeria and Ethiopia are expected to increase their power capabilities, Algeria, Egypt, and South Africa are likely to stagnate or decline. The authors distinguish between raw capabilities and 'power projection,' noting that Ethiopia and South Africa currently punch above their weight, while Nigeria and Algeria punch below theirs. The analysis emphasizes that governance deficits and domestic instability often hinder the translation of material capabilities into actual regional or global influence.

The document serves as an appendix to a study on the relationship between majority religion and armed conflict. It provides detailed datasets on the majority religions of countries as of 2010, the incidence of intrastate armed conflict by religion between 1991 and 2012, and a comprehensive list of opposition groups in intrastate conflicts from 1946 to 2013. It specifically examines the prevalence of Islamist insurgents and the conflict history of the ten countries with the largest Muslim populations.