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The report argues that industrial electrification in India is economically viable across all temperature ranges when powered by low-cost solar energy. It finds that switching to electric technologies like heat pumps and thermal batteries can reduce industrial energy use by 22% and cut CO2 emissions by over half. The analysis highlights that solar-powered electrification is already cheaper than petroleum and natural gas across all temperatures and competitive with coal in several bands. To scale this transition, the report recommends streamlining Green Energy Open Access rules, reducing electricity cross-subsidies, and implementing production-linked incentives for clean commodities.

The policy brief examines the critical juncture facing the World Trade Organization (WTO) ahead of the 14th Ministerial Conference (MC14) in Yaoundé, Cameroon. While the 2022 Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies (Fish 1) established a historic first step by prohibiting subsidies for illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing, it does not address the structural causes of overcapacity. The author argues that the upcoming MC14 must restore momentum for 'Fish 2'—additional disciplines targeting broader overfishing—to avoid the risk of the entire 2022 agreement terminating under its sunset clause by September 2029.

The document analyzes the tension between the multilateral Work Programme on Electronic Commerce (WPEC) and the plurilateral Joint Statement Initiative (JSI) on E-Commerce. It highlights the conflict over the moratorium on customs duties for electronic transmissions, where developing countries fear revenue loss and policy constraints, while other members push for a permanent ban on such duties. The author outlines the stakes for MC14, including the potential incorporation of the JSI Agreement into the WTO framework and the future of the WPEC.

The report examines the November 29, 2024, draft text for 'Fish 2' negotiations at the WTO. It details a proposed hybrid approach combining a broad prohibition of subsidies that contribute to overcapacity and overfishing with a management-based exemption and special and differential treatment (SDT) for developing nations. Key provisions include a two-tiered system for demonstrating stock sustainability, specific rules for distant-water fishing, and a five-year review clause to potentially mandate quantitative subsidy reductions. The document highlights that while convergence is high, significant gaps remain regarding the duration of transition periods and the definition of artisanal fishing.

The report highlights solar power as the primary engine of the global energy transition, noting it surpassed 2,000 TWh of generation in 2024 and doubles every three years. While emerging drivers such as data centres, EVs, and heat pumps have structurally increased electricity demand, clean generation is projected to grow fast enough to meet this demand and drive a structural decline in fossil fuels by 2030. Central to this shift is the progress in China and India, where clean power deployment is breaking the historical link between economic growth and fossil fuel expansion, potentially tipping the global balance toward a decline in fossil generation.

The 2022 WTO Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies (Fish 1) prohibits subsidies for illegal fishing, overfished stocks, and unregulated high seas fishing, though it requires 17 more ratifications to enter into force. Current negotiations (Fish 2) aim to address the root causes of overfishing and fleet overcapacity through a 'hybrid' approach. While most members have converged on a draft text that prohibits subsidies contributing to overfishing unless healthy management measures are proven, full consensus remains elusive due to the demands of two large developing country members for more substantial changes.

The document provides an overview of the WTO's efforts to regulate fisheries subsidies. It details the 2022 Agreement (Phase 1), which prohibits subsidies for illegal fishing, overexploited stocks, and unregulated high-seas fishing, and examines the ongoing negotiations for 'Phase 2' rules. These proposed additional rules aim to address the root causes of overcapacity and overfishing through a hybrid approach of general prohibitions and specific exemptions for developing nations and sustainable management practices. Despite significant convergence among members as of March 2025, a total consensus remains elusive due to the demands of two major developing countries for more substantial changes.

The WTO's moratorium on customs duties for electronic transmissions, first established in 1998, is likely to end by March 2026. This expiration could lead to a fragmented global regulatory landscape, increased costs for consumers and businesses, and a shift toward regional trade agreements. While developing nations argue that the moratorium limits their policy space and public revenue, the authors suggest that the lack of a common definition for 'electronic transmissions' complicates the transition and that a multilateral agreement remains the most stable path for digital trade.

The report analyzes 13 large-scale CCS projects across various industries, including natural gas processing, hydrogen production, power generation, steel, and cement. It finds that while many projects have met high technical standards, others have faced significant operational hurdles, often due to a lack of climate-focused incentives or unexpected geological challenges. The document argues that transparent reporting and robust climate-driven policies are essential to ensure future projects maximize their emissions reduction potential.

On 26 June 2024, Minister Kerrie D. Symmonds of Barbados delivered a statement supported by 35 WTO members calling for the operationalization of the WTO Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies and the finalization of additional provisions regarding overcapacity and overfishing by July 2024.

The report examines a draft WTO text designed to complement the 2022 Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies by prohibiting subsidies that drive overcapacity and overfishing. It details a 'hybrid' approach combining a broad prohibition with management-based exemptions and special and differential treatment (SDT) for developing nations. The text also proposes stricter rules for distant-water fishing and enhanced transparency requirements, including notifications on forced labour and aggregate subsidy levels. While not a final agreement, the report argues the draft represents a significant compromise to align global fishing subsidies with sustainable development goals.

The report provides a comprehensive compilation of excerpts from the WTO's Thirteenth Ministerial Conference (MC13), focusing on the intersection of global trade with environmental sustainability, climate change, and the UN 2030 Agenda. It highlights a strong collective push to finalize the second phase of the Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies to combat overcapacity and overfishing, while revealing a significant divide between developed and developing nations regarding unilateral environmental trade measures and the need for special and differential treatment (SDT).

The statement by Friends of the Earth International criticizes the proposed EU-Mercosur trade agreement, highlighting its potential to accelerate deforestation and climate change while undermining small-scale farmers in both Europe and Latin America. It calls for a shift toward a people-centered trade model that prioritizes social rights and environmental sustainability over corporate profit, especially in light of the rise of climate-denying leadership in Argentina.

Friends of the Earth International opposes the EU-Mercosur trade agreement, asserting that it would accelerate deforestation and climate change while undermining small-scale farmers in Europe and Latin America. The statement highlights protests from European farmers and social movements in Latin America, and warns that the current administration in Argentina, led by climate-denier Javier Milei, further invalidates the agreement's sustainability claims. It calls for a shift in international trade policy toward a model centered on people's sovereignty, food security, and environmental protection.

The document advocates for a transformational fisheries subsidies agreement at the WTO's MC13, emphasizing the critical role of small island developing states (SIDS) and small vulnerable economies (SVEs) in shaping the negotiations. It highlights the importance of 'special and differential treatment' to protect artisanal fisheries, food security, and livelihoods in small economies, while calling for stricter disciplines on the largest industrial fishing nations to arrest the destruction of fish stocks.

The Investment Facilitation for Development Agreement (IFDA) aims to facilitate foreign direct investment (FDI), particularly for developing countries and least developed countries (LDCs), to foster sustainable development. The agreement focuses on improving transparency, streamlining administrative procedures, and enhancing cooperation between governments and investors. It includes specific special and differential treatment (S&DT) provisions, allowing developing and LDC members to self-designate implementation timelines across three categories (A, B, and C) based on their capacity. While it includes articles on responsible business conduct and anti-corruption, these are excluded from the WTO's dispute settlement mechanism. The agreement is currently being pursued as a plurilateral agreement under Annex 4 of the WTO Agreement, though this remains a point of debate among WTO members regarding the principle of consensus and the implementation burden on resource-strapped nations.

The Forum on Trade, Environment, & the SDGs (TESS) urges the TESSD to shift its format from presentations to outcome-oriented discussions to achieve concrete results by MC14. TESS suggests a more sectoral approach to circularity (e.g., textiles and electronics) and clean energy, while emphasizing the need for inclusive participation from developing countries, least developed countries, and small-island developing states. The statement advocates for the TESSD to act as an 'inclusive incubator' that complements the WTO's Committee on Trade and Environment (CTE) and other multilateral bodies.

The document details the friction between developed and developing nations over the design, governance, and funding of the Loss and Damage Fund established at COP27. Key disputes include whether the fund should be a standalone UNFCCC entity or hosted by the World Bank, who should contribute (with the EU suggesting wealthier developing nations like China and Saudi Arabia), and whether the finance should be grants or loans. While a recommendation for a World Bank-hosted Financial Intermediary Fund was proposed, the US abstained due to concerns over legal liability and 'reparations', and the text lacks committed financial targets from developed countries.

The Center for International Environmental Law advocates for a human rights-based approach to the Loss and Damage Fund being finalized at COP28. The author argues that hosting the fund under the World Bank would undermine its autonomy, restrict direct access for affected communities, and impose inadequate safeguards. The statement calls for a Governing Instrument that explicitly recognizes human rights obligations, ensures the representation of Indigenous Peoples and marginalized groups on the Board, and establishes an independent grievance redress mechanism.

The Investment Facilitation for Development Agreement (IFDA) is a proposed WTO accord aimed at streamlining foreign direct investment (FDI) flows, particularly to developing and least developed countries. The agreement is structured around four pillars: transparency of investment measures, streamlining administrative procedures, improving cooperation (including 'sustainable investments'), and providing special and differential treatment (SDT) for developing nations. While the legal text was finalized in July 2023, the process now faces challenges regarding its legal architecture—whether to integrate it as a multilateral or plurilateral agreement—which requires consensus from all WTO members, including non-participants like India and South Africa. Critics argue the agreement lacks operative provisions specifically designed to simplify investment for sustainable development, noting that responsible business conduct (RBC) obligations are minimal and not subject to dispute settlement.