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The WACA ResIP-CCA is a proposed project targeting Benin, Cote d'Ivoire, Mauritania, Senegal, and Togo to address vulnerabilities to sea-level rise, flooding, and coastal erosion. With a total indicative cost of USD 382 million, the project aims to protect critical infrastructure and ecosystems in the transport, urban, and natural resources sectors. It combines national-level policy strengthening and capacity building with local-level physical interventions, such as nature-based and hard infrastructure, to benefit approximately 12 million indirect beneficiaries.

The report finds that while religious radicalism in Côte d’Ivoire has not reached the scale seen elsewhere in West Africa, the country remains vulnerable due to political instability, regulatory gaps, and socio-economic marginalisation. It details how Pentecostalist 'prophets' influenced the hardline posture of former President Laurent Gbagbo during the 2010-11 crisis and notes the presence of Wahhabi Islam. Additionally, it examines the Lebanese diaspora, noting that while most view Hezbollah as a 'national resistance movement' and provide financial support, there is currently no direct threat to Ivorian national security from this community.

The briefing addresses two distinct regional security issues: a resurfacing border dispute between Malawi and Tanzania triggered by oil and gas exploration in Lake Malawi, and the fragile security situation in Côte d'Ivoire where stalled security sector reform and DDR processes have left the country vulnerable to armed attacks.

The author contends that Laurent Gbagbo's claims of being a victim of French imperialism are contradicted by historical evidence. The text highlights that Gbagbo's rise to power in 2000 was supported by French diplomatic efforts and that he maintained pragmatic business and political ties with various French factions, including the Gaullists and the Socialist Party, throughout his presidency.

The author argues that President Ouattara lacks effective command and control over the rebel forces that helped him seize power, as these forces are fragmented and not inherently loyal to him. The military landscape is split between different rebel blocs and zone commanders, some of whom are under UN sanctions. Consequently, the author suggests that securing a monopoly on the use of force and negotiating the disarmament of these rebels is a more urgent priority for Ouattara than forming a government of national unity.

The author argues that the political crisis in Côte d’Ivoire exhibits characteristics of 'warlordism,' a pattern of violent political entrepreneurship previously seen in Liberia and Sierra Leone. This pattern is defined by the recruitment of informal militias, the use of mystical or religious discourse to mobilize frustrated youth, the exploitation of historical communal grievances, and connections to illicit international business networks. The document warns that President Laurent Gbagbo is increasingly adopting these warlord characteristics, utilizing state institutions while simultaneously undermining them, which increases the risk of a protracted civil war similar to those in neighboring states.

The document examines the tensions in France's Africa policy, noting a pattern of maintaining ties with authoritarian leaders in countries such as Chad and Gabon despite promises of reform. It highlights the specific diplomatic friction between France and South Africa over the recognition of Alassane Ouattara's presidential victory in Côte d’Ivoire, contrasting France's recognition with South Africa's call for compromise.

The research paper warns that Côte d'Ivoire remains in a state of 'permanent crisis' characterized by a military stalemate between President Laurent Gbagbo's government and the Forces Nouvelles (FN) rebels. Despite peace agreements and the mediation of South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki, the author argues that mutual mistrust, the use of ethnic militias, and breaches of UN arms embargos create a dangerous environment. The text highlights the role of 'Ivorianness' laws and xenophobia in polarising the population along north-south lines, drawing parallels to the build-up of the Rwandan genocide, particularly regarding the targeting of civilians and the use of ethnic propaganda.

The report analyzes the environmental vulnerability of West Africa, focusing on the interplay between poverty, environmental degradation, and natural hazards. It identifies key sensitivities in health, water availability, and food security, while detailing the diverse farming systems and urban livelihoods that shape resilience. The document emphasizes that vulnerability is exacerbated by social inequities, political conflict, and population growth, and argues for integrated poverty reduction strategies that prioritize diversification and adaptive capacity to mitigate the impacts of climate change and resource scarcity.

The Green Climate Fund has selected Panama City (Panama), Amman (Jordan), Nairobi (Kenya), and Abidjan (Côte d’Ivoire) as the locations for its regional offices. The Secretariat is tasked with negotiating host country agreements and operationalizing this regional presence according to a specific implementation plan, aiming for long-term budget neutrality within the existing administrative budget.

Côte d’Ivoire is utilizing the SNAP initiative to identify and mitigate short-lived climate pollutants (SLCPs) to improve public health, agriculture, and climate. Priority areas for action include the transportation sector, waste management, industrial processes, oil refineries, and the use of traditional cookstoves. The country is employing the LEAP-IBC tool for emission inventories and planning, with the goal of informing its air quality strategy and the implementation of the Paris Agreement.