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The document examines the African Union's (AU) efforts to 'Africanise' its maritime domain through AIMS 2050, specifically by proposing a continental cabotage regime to reduce foreign dominance in intra-African shipping. While proponents argue this would create jobs and economic independence, the paper identifies significant barriers, including inadequate port infrastructure, a lack of skilled seafarers, and limited political will, as evidenced by the low ratification rates of the African Maritime Transport Charter. It further analyzes the legal complexities regarding World Trade Organization (WTO) regulations and concludes that the proposed regime is currently 'ahead of schedule' due to the absence of necessary industrial and governance preconditions.

The report analyzes base metal beneficiation in Mozambique, Namibia, Botswana, and Zambia, comparing their outcomes with the successful industrial policies of Japan and China. It argues that China's state-led expansion of smelting and refining capacity has caused a 'Great Compression' of margins, making autonomous beneficiation in Africa commercially unattractive. The study concludes that African countries can only succeed in beneficiation through comprehensive industrial policies and strategic partnerships, particularly with Chinese state-owned enterprises.

The document examines the interaction between the G-20 and Africa, noting that while South Africa is the only permanent African member, the G-20's agenda significantly impacts the continent. It evaluates the G-20 Development Working Group's (DWG) progress on priorities such as infrastructure, domestic resource mobilisation, and financial inclusion. The author argues that while there is overlap with the AU's Agenda 2063, momentum has been lost in supporting African regional economic integration, and further efforts are needed to leverage G-20 resources for sustainable infrastructure and local capital markets.

The research paper examines how China's 'one road-two belts' strategy, the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), and increased UN peacekeeping commitments impact Africa. It highlights a shift toward regional development nodes on Africa's east coast and the Horn of Africa, while cautioning that Africa's strategic importance to Beijing is limited compared to China's immediate region and its interests in Asia and Europe.

This collection of papers analyzes regional integration efforts in three key areas: South America, Southern Africa, and Russia. It argues that while traditional trade-led integration has often stalled, new drivers such as regional value chains (RVCs), energy pooling, and strategic investment shifts offer paths toward deeper cooperation. In South America, the report finds a lack of a clear 'hub country' and significant infrastructure gaps hindering RVCs. In Southern Africa, it highlights the potential of the Southern Africa Power Pool (SAPP) and the dual role of South Africa as both a catalyst and a diverter of regional investment. In Russia, the analysis focuses on a strategic 'turn to the East,' shifting investment focus from Europe toward the Asia-Pacific region and the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU).

The document examines the threat of the United States suspending South Africa's agricultural preferences under AGOA. This tension stems from disputes over anti-dumping duties on US chicken and delays in finalizing veterinary protocols for poultry, beef, and pork imports. While South Africa's total exports to the US exceeded US$8 billion in 2014, with nearly 40% benefiting from AGOA, the agriculture sector is particularly vulnerable. The author argues that the unilateral nature of AGOA creates instability and suggests that South Africa and other African nations should pursue formal negotiated bilateral agreements to ensure greater trade security and avoid the leveraging of preferences to resolve trade disputes.

The report analyzes the integration of SACU countries—Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, South Africa, and Swaziland—into global and regional value chains. It finds that while the region is generally at the margins of GVCs, there are significant opportunities in the automotive and apparel sectors. The authors argue that South Africa can serve as a 'gateway' for the region, linking smaller member states to global networks through advanced services and infrastructure. Key barriers identified include geographical remoteness, small market scale, restrictive trade policies (particularly in agribusiness), and gaps in technical skills. The report concludes that GVC participation positively correlates with labor productivity, especially through backward linkages (imported inputs), and suggests a policy framework focused on economic densification, skills upgrading, and open regionalism.

The research finds a strong theoretical case for the TFTA due to high trade complementarity between Egypt, Kenya, and South Africa, though actual trade is currently limited by significant tariff and non-tariff barriers. While South Africa views the TFTA as a tool for 'developmental regionalism' to reduce poverty through industrialization, secondary powers like Kenya and Egypt may face competition from South African exports in their respective regional markets. The document emphasizes that the success of the TFTA depends on massive upgrades to transregional transport and energy infrastructure, noting that while some progress has been made in port and road corridors, large-scale energy projects in the DRC and Ethiopia face severe financial and technical obstacles.

The report examines the integration of ACP countries into global value chains (GVCs) and regional value chains (RVCs), highlighting significant heterogeneity across the group. It identifies critical barriers to entry, including poor infrastructure, weak institutional frameworks, and low business sophistication. The analysis suggests that while some countries like South Africa and Mauritius are more globally integrated, many others face fundamental challenges in basic trade-enabling requirements. The authors argue against protective industrial policies, instead recommending horizontal measures such as improving the rule of law, investing in workforce skills, and enhancing transport and energy infrastructure to attract multinational corporations.

A policy brief by the Center for International Environmental Law arguing that a specific climate provision within the Customs Bill would hinder domestic and international climate action, weaken the United States' negotiating position, and block potential trade cooperation benefits.

The document expresses concern that the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) could be used by the US government and industry to pressure the EU into weakening its standards for toxic chemicals, specifically endocrine disrupting chemicals (EDCs). It highlights a conflict between trade goals and public health, noting that the US has criticized EU hazardous chemical laws as trade barriers. The authors support a European Parliament ENVI Committee vote to exclude chemicals from TTIP to avoid trade-offs between economic goals and health, citing the high human health costs of EDCs in Europe and the risk that regulatory cooperation would hinder the ability of both EU member states and US states to regulate toxic substances.

The document analyzes FDI inflows into the SADC region from 2003 to 2014, noting a heavy reliance on natural resources. It argues that the slump in commodity prices in 2014 necessitates a move away from 'dated ideological' policies like beneficiation toward global value chain integration and improved regional infrastructure to attract more diversified investment.

The document analyzes the evolution of South Africa's foreign economic policy since 1994, noting a shift from a normative, idealistic approach toward a strategy focused on non-Western relations and economic diplomacy. It identifies three main pillars of engagement: the WTO, the G-20, and BRICS. While South Africa uses these platforms to advocate for developing countries and African interests, the authors argue that the country lacks a clearly defined economic diplomacy strategy grounded in its domestic development framework. The brief highlights the BRICS New Development Bank as a key tool for African infrastructure and suggests that South Africa must improve institutional coordination and business collaboration to maximize the benefits of its international engagements.

The author contends that modern trade agreements like TTIP, CETA, and TiSA are not about 'free trade' but are tools for corporations to secure interests through secret negotiations. The text argues that these agreements erode national sovereignty, prioritize capital protection over ecological and social rights via private arbitration courts, and threaten public services through privatization. Using NAFTA and a US-Peru agreement as examples, the author claims that promises of growth and jobs often fail to materialize for citizens, benefiting only large corporations.

The report documents a 2015 policy dialogue hosted by SAIIA and Oxfam to explore the dynamics of South–South Co-operation (SSC) in Africa. It examines the roles of emerging partners like China, Brazil, and India, contrasting their non-conditional approaches with traditional North–South models. The discussions highlight the tension between the need for monitoring and evaluation (M&E) to ensure accountability and the desire of Southern nations to maintain a distinct, solidarity-based framework that avoids Northern-led conditionality. Key conclusions emphasize the need for an African-led strategy to engage emerging partners and the development of a tailored M&E framework that respects national sovereignty while improving transparency.

The policy brief assesses the underperformance of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), noting that US imports from Africa remain dominated by energy commodities. It proposes a four-pillar strategy for the 2015 renewal: a clean, long-term extension of at least 10 years; the reduction of non-tariff barriers through expanded US Trade Hubs and relaxed rules of origin for least-developed countries; structural reforms including the Power Africa initiative and the development of African capital markets; and alignment with global trade frameworks like the TPP and TTIP to ensure African competitiveness.

The article examines the use of local content requirements (LCRs) to align renewable energy deployment with socio-economic goals like job creation and economic development. Using an effectiveness framework applied to India’s National Solar Mission for solar photovoltaics, the analysis identifies three critical conditions for LCRs to be effective: they must be limited in duration with planned evaluations, focused on technologies with available expertise and manageable market barriers, and integrated with training, business linkages, and broader value chain support.

The report examines the gap between Africa's strong rhetorical commitment to regional integration and the limited actual progress achieved. Using APRM data from 17 countries, it identifies systemic barriers including reluctance to cede national sovereignty, overlapping memberships in multiple regional economic communities (RECs), inadequate infrastructure, and a lack of private sector involvement. While some blocs like the East African Community (EAC) show more progress, most have not advanced beyond free trade areas or customs unions, and intra-African trade remains low compared to trade with external partners like the EU and China.

The document analyzes how climate change increases the risk of food price shocks through both direct impacts on domestic harvests and indirect impacts via global commodity markets. It argues that while many import-dependent countries, such as Senegal, pursue self-sufficiency in staples like rice to avoid international volatility, this approach can create 'rice risk lock-in' by increasing exposure to domestic climate shocks and reducing agricultural diversity. The authors recommend a balanced strategy of diversifying food sources, diets, and import origins to build climate resilience.

This policy brief outlines a three-step analytical approach to identify and prioritize policy instruments for reducing a country's external environmental footprint, using Sweden as a case study. It identifies approximately 60 existing or potential instruments and recommends a multi-sectoral strategy involving tax adjustments, public procurement criteria, and bilateral cooperation with producer countries to achieve the 'Generational Goal' of solving environmental problems without increasing them outside Swedish borders.