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The document evaluates the progress of WTO commitments made at the 10th Ministerial Conference (MC10) in Nairobi, specifically regarding agriculture and least-developed countries (LDCs). It highlights significant implementation gaps, such as the lack of a permanent solution for public stockholding for food security and the slow pace of eliminating agricultural export subsidies. The paper notes a fundamental disagreement between developed and developing nations over whether to prioritize the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) or introduce new 21st-century trade issues. For South Africa, the authors recommend aligning with the Africa Group on regional integration and industrialization, supporting the G33 proposal on public stockholding, and backing the ACP proposal on fisheries subsidies to support its own ocean economy.

The policy brief argues that border carbon adjustments (BCAs) are a more effective tool for addressing emissions leakage than traditional 'behind the border' measures like free allowances. It outlines a specific six-step design process: determining scope and coverage, calculating embedded carbon, determining the adjustment level, deciding revenue use, establishing an expiration date, and ensuring a fair and transparent process. The authors recommend that BCAs focus on primary goods in high-carbon sectors, apply only to imports to avoid WTO subsidy issues, and exempt Least Developed Countries. Revenue generated should be used to support environmental objectives and benefit affected developing countries. The brief also notes that while BCAs have been proposed in the EU and US, they are rarely implemented.

The report argues that President Donald Trump's early presidency was marked by a lack of interest in Africa, a disregard for multilateralism, and leadership traits reminiscent of autocrats, which strained US–Africa relations. It highlights the risks posed by proposed budget cuts to foreign assistance, the US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, and the erosion of democratic norms. However, it also suggests that domestic resistance to Trump in the US and a push for greater African self-reliance could lead to a democratic reconsolidation and more resilient partnerships.

The paper examines the role of South Africa and Kenya as regional economic gateways and the impact of private sustainability standards on SME participation in value chains. It identifies significant barriers for SMEs, including high certification costs, lack of awareness, and limited technical capacity, while highlighting the potential for multinational corporations to support supplier development. The authors provide recommendations for the G20 to facilitate open markets, improve SME financing, and harmonise sustainability standards to prevent them from becoming non-tariff barriers.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) argues that the U.S. NAFTA negotiating objectives are ambiguous and fail to protect the public interest. Key concerns include the lack of a stance against Investor State Dispute Settlement (ISDS), the potential for 'regulatory coherence' to undermine environmental and health standards, and the promotion of fossil fuel investment over green energy. CIEL calls for binding environmental protections, compliance with the Paris Agreement, and increased transparency in the negotiation process.

Scott Vaughan, President and CEO of IISD, critiques the investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) model and the CETA agreement, advocating for a multilateral investment court and a shift toward investment models that align with the Paris Agreement and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). He suggests that the WTO may not be the ideal venue for a new multilateral investment agreement due to its focus on disciplines rather than cooperation.

Friends of the Earth International argues that the TPP failed because it prioritized corporate interests over people and the environment. The organization calls for a fundamental reset of trade policy, warning that continuing with 'mega trade deals' like the TPP, TTIP, and RCEP fuels populism and undermines climate action and workers' rights.

A coalition of civil society organisations, including Green10 and ClientEarth, requested that Members of the European Parliament reject the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) during a vote scheduled for 15 February 2017. The signatories argue that the agreement contains "fundamental flaws" and does not serve the interests of "people and the planet", calling instead for the development of a "fair and sustainable trade regime".

ClientEarth advocates for a European Court of Justice (ECJ) Opinion on the compatibility of CETA's Investment Court System (ICS) with EU Treaties to ensure legal certainty and avoid future constitutional crises or international embarrassment.

The document argues that while e-commerce offers significant opportunities for economic growth, SME empowerment, and gender equality in Africa, the continent faces substantial infrastructure and regulatory gaps. It highlights a critical risk: as developed nations establish high-standard regulatory benchmarks through agreements like the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), African countries may face marginalization from global value chains if they do not proactively develop compatible enabling environments.

The document examines South African business activities in the DRC across sectors such as mining, telecommunications, and agriculture, highlighting both the positive developmental impacts and the significant operational challenges posed by corruption and bureaucracy.

The document examines the tension between international trade rules and national climate policies, arguing that while trade rules are often seen as barriers to climate ambition, they can also facilitate the deployment of clean technologies. It proposes five key steps to create a more climate-friendly trade regime: an authoritative interpretation of GATT Article XX, the inclusion of climate expertise in WTO dispute settlement, the use of regional trade agreements to test climate rules, the pursuit of plurilateral deals like the Environmental Goods Agreement, and increased institutional coordination between the WTO and UNFCCC to enhance transparency.

The Canadian Association of Physicians for the Environment (CAPE) recommends against Canada ratifying the TPP, asserting that climate change is a global health emergency requiring a low-carbon transition and the retention of 80% of fossil fuel reserves. CAPE expresses concern that TPP 'Technical Barrier to Trade' provisions and the use of investment lawyer tribunals to determine 'legitimate' public welfare objectives could prioritize trade over environmental health. Additionally, the document warns that the extension of pharmaceutical patents under the TPP would hinder generic competition and increase costs for Canadians and people worldwide.

The document analyzes the economic relationship between South Africa and the US, noting that while trade and investment have grown, South Africa underutilizes AGOA's duty-free preferences. It proposes three post-2025 paths: allowing AGOA to expire (Simple), negotiating a Partial Scope Agreement (Moderate), or pursuing a comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (Comprehensive).

The document examines the role of informal cross-border trade in Zimbabwe, particularly in response to government import bans on basic commodities. It highlights that while the informal economy provides critical employment and poverty alleviation in a country with high formal unemployment, traders face significant risks including corruption and abuse. The author argues that Zimbabwe and other SADC nations should adopt Simplified Trade Regimes and engage with trader representatives to transition informal activity into the formal sector, citing successful models from East African economic communities.

The document outlines a study on the participation of South Africa and the SACU region in global value chains (GVCs), identifying them as a mechanism for expanding non-commodity exports and increasing manufacturing value addition. It proposes policy interventions focused on improving trade and transport infrastructure, reducing cross-border barriers, closing technical skills gaps, and enhancing regional institutional coordination to create a 'factory Southern Africa'.

The report analyzes the maize value chain in the SADC region, emphasizing the need for coherent regional policies and improved governance structures between actors. It identifies critical gaps in infrastructure and finance, recommending the establishment of warehouse networks and receipt systems in Zambia, Malawi, and Mozambique, alongside the promotion of yellow maize for animal feed and the adoption of GM certified seeds.

The document examines the AICO scheme's role in developing the ASEAN automotive sector and assesses whether a similar model could work in SADC. It identifies South Africa as the regional automotive leader but notes that integration is currently one-sided. Key barriers in SADC include low market demand, infrastructure bottlenecks, and a lack of indigenous industry outside South Africa. The author suggests that SADC can move toward integration by leveraging South Africa's expertise, focusing on specific vehicle segments, and developing aftermarket production as a starting point.

The Carbon-CAP project evaluated consumption-based policy instruments across four acceptability criteria: economic distributional impact, legal viability, international political/trade concerns, and institutional capacity. The analysis suggests a tiered implementation strategy, prioritizing instruments that change the available product range or costs—such as approved technology lists and supply chain procurement requirements—over those that merely influence consumer choice. The brief emphasizes that these instruments are most effective when deployed in complementary portfolios to spread responsibility between producers and consumers and to mitigate individual policy weaknesses.

The author contends that the Doha Development Round is 'dead' following the Nairobi Ministerial, a failure attributed to a shift in global power from a US-led hegemony toward a multipolar system including China and India. To prevent the fragmentation of the multilateral trading system caused by 'megaregional trade agreements', the paper suggests moving away from the 'single undertaking rule' and the 'consensus principle'. Instead, it proposes a 'plurilateral' approach where smaller interest groups negotiate sectoral agreements and link regional deals to the WTO dispute settlement mechanism. The author specifically urges emerging economies like South Africa to embrace plurilaterals to advance their trade interests, noting that the traditional North-South divide has been replaced by more complex interests, with countries like China, Brazil, and India now also utilizing agricultural subsidies.