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A joint editorial by over 30 global media organisations calling for urgent climate action, increased financial support for developing nations, and a rapid transition away from fossil fuels during the Cop27 summit.

The document contends that treating natural gas as a 'bridge fuel' and funding its proliferation in the Global South through climate finance would jeopardize the 1.5°C warming target and the Paris Agreement. It highlights three primary risks: supply dependency on a few countries, extreme price volatility—exemplified by the 2022 energy crisis in Europe—and the high warming potential of methane leaks. The author argues that renewable energy is a more secure and cost-effective alternative, citing the scaling of wind and solar in Brazil, China, Vietnam, and India.

The analysis examines the risks associated with cooling access for rural and urban poor populations, projecting that 1.22 billion people could remain at high risk by 2030 without intervention. It highlights that achieving goals for poverty eradication and energy access could protect nearly half a billion people in high-impact countries, while emphasizing the need for sustainable, energy-efficient cooling to prevent a surge in greenhouse gas emissions as demand grows.

The document outlines four strategic propositions for Sweden's 2023 EU presidency: ensuring energy crisis responses align with long-term climate goals, integrating enforceable sustainability standards into trade agreements, promoting 'just resilience' to address transboundary climate risks, and establishing an EU-wide approach to monitoring consumption-based emissions.

The WSIS Civil Society Declaration argues that information and communication technologies (ICTs) must be grounded in human rights, social justice, and gender equality rather than profit-driven market motives. It advocates for universal access to information, the protection of the public domain of knowledge, and the use of Free Software to empower marginalized communities. The declaration emphasizes the need for multistakeholder governance of the Internet and the implementation of environmentally sustainable ICT solutions, particularly in Africa.

The document contends that JETP countries should leapfrog fossil gas to avoid economic volatility and asset stranding, instead leveraging their significant solar and wind resources to improve energy access and ensure a climate-safe transition.

The Climate Change Performance Index 2023 finds that none of the 60 largest emitters are on a 1.5°C pathway, leaving the top three ranks unoccupied. Denmark is the current frontrunner, leading in almost all categories, while China and the US are categorized as 'very low' performers. The report highlights a wide disparity in performance among EU countries and identifies Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Kazakhstan as the worst overall performers due to heavy oil reliance and weak renewable energy adoption.

The document examines the IEA's WEO 2022, specifically the Net-Zero by 2050 (NZE) scenario, to outline a transition from fossil fuels to clean energy. It argues that fossil fuel demand is peaking and that achieving the 1.5°C target requires a total transformation of energy investment, characterized by a '9 for 1' ratio of clean energy to fossil fuel spending by 2030.

The document contends that the current energy crisis is a "natural gas market crisis" caused by fossil fuel price volatility, specifically citing the Russian invasion of Ukraine and post-pandemic recovery. It argues that natural gas is incompatible with the 1.5°C and 2°C Paris Agreement targets, noting that global gas emissions rose 23% between 2010 and 2019. The briefing highlights that solar and onshore wind are now cheaper than gas for two-thirds of the global population and that new gas projects face significant stranded asset risks, such as a USD 13 billion risk in the UK by 2050. It dismisses Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) as an effective solution, noting that only 27 of over 260 projects undertaken between 1995 and 2018 were completed. Finally, it argues that for Africa, renewables are the fastest and cheapest way to expand energy access, as gas costs are projected to be double those of solar and wind by 2030.

The report evaluates Ghana's export processing zones (EPZs) across economic, environmental, social, and technological dimensions, finding that the current model lacks integration with broader industrial policies and neglects sustainability standards. Key gaps include a lack of low-carbon incentives, minimal technology adoption, and inadequate corruption controls. The author recommends the development of a comprehensive strategic policy by the Ministry of Trade and Industry, the use of public-private partnerships for sustainable infrastructure, and the implementation of carbon finance policies to help Ghana meet climate targets.

The global energy crisis has exposed critical vulnerabilities in the energy systems of Southeast Asian nations, particularly their reliance on imported fossil fuels. While governments in Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, and Viet Nam have implemented short-term measures to mitigate price shocks and secure fuel supplies, the report argues that these responses fail to address underlying vulnerabilities. It calls for an acceleration of fossil fuel phasedowns, a reconsideration of natural gas as a transition fuel, and a prioritisation of renewable energy scale-ups and energy efficiency to build long-term resilience.

The Institute for Economic Justice criticizes the $8.5-billion Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) in South Africa, arguing that its reliance on loans and private-sector 'de-risking' rather than grants will increase energy costs and benefit foreign investors while neglecting local manufacturing and worker protections. The document further condemns the secretive nature of the negotiations, which it claims undermines procedural justice and excludes key stakeholders.

The Institute for Economic Justice argues that South Africa's JETP is a flawed climate finance model that relies heavily on loans rather than grants, benefiting private Independent Power Producers (IPPs) while leaving the state with the financial risk. The author contends that the deal lacks transparency, fails to adequately fund the localization of the renewable energy value chain, and provides insufficient social security for workers in the coal belt.

The document argues that biogas and biomethane should primarily be reserved for hard-to-abate sectors like petrochemical production and industrial heating, as electrification via renewable energy is more cost-effective for power and heat. It highlights that biogas only addresses a minority of agricultural emissions (at most 28.9%) and warns that scaling production to meet targets, such as the EU's 35 bcm goal by 2030, could threaten food security by requiring significant arable land. Additionally, the briefing notes risks from fugitive methane emissions, high reliance on public subsidies, and safety hazards including explosions and toxicity.

Recourse argues that the MDBs' COP27 Joint Statement is a disappointment because it ignores the 1.5°C warming target and obscures the fact that MDB support for fossil fuels exceeds their financing for renewables. The organization highlights a lack of transparency regarding Paris Agreement alignment methodologies and calls for the MDBs to rule out fossil gas and LNG as transition fuels.

The document advocates for Africa to mainstream climate change into its development strategy to build resilience and transform its economies. It identifies key pathways for this transition, including renewable energy, green industrialization, and food security. The paper emphasizes the need for Africa to assert its agency in multilateral forums like the WTO to ensure developing country perspectives are included in global trade and climate dialogues, which are currently dominated by advanced economies.

The We Mean Business Coalition calls for governments and corporations at COP27 to support SMEs in the energy transition. It highlights that SMEs are disproportionately affected by climate impacts and energy costs, and urges the implementation of policies to accelerate the shift from fossil fuels to renewables, increase investment in climate innovation, and provide accessible tax credits and incentives similar to the US Inflation Reduction Act.

The document outlines how U.S. local governments can use aggregated procurement—forming buyers' groups to pool demand—to lower costs and accelerate clean energy deployment. It identifies key benefits such as economies of scale and shared expertise, while noting barriers like lack of staff expertise and complex legal requirements. The guide provides five strategies for success, including appointing dedicated project managers and targeting a minimum aggregated demand of 20MW for optimal pricing, and suggests ways to integrate equity and community benefits into these contracts.

The LAC campaign urges South Africa to advocate for climate reparations and a non-fossil fuel development vision for Africa at COP27, while domestically accelerating the transition to renewable energy and phasing out coal by 2040.

The Center for Countering Digital Hate (CCDH) reports that between September 2020 and August 2022, five major oil companies—BP, ExxonMobil, Shell, Aramco, and Chevron—spent $23.7 million on US Google Search ads, with $10.9 million dedicated to greenwashing. The report highlights a discrepancy between these companies' public sustainability claims and their internal documents, while also noting that Google continued to accept $421,000 from the Competitive Enterprise Institute for climate denial ads despite promising to stop doing so.