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The report details how Koch, Inc. and its executives had access to scientific warnings about global warming as early as 1972 but spent decades financing a network of nonprofits and think tanks to obstruct climate action. This was achieved by contesting climate science, running public relations campaigns to shift cultural understanding, and lobbying political elites. The document tracks this effort from early API and National Petroleum Council reports through the funding of the Competitive Enterprise Institute's 'global warming project' and the activities of Americans for Prosperity, culminating in significant policy victories during the Trump administration and continued opposition to Biden-era climate legislation.

Peru is implementing a phased roadmap to establish a national monitoring and evaluation (M&E) system for climate change adaptation, aligned with its National Adaptation Plan (NAP) and Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC). The system focuses on seven priority sectors—water, agriculture, fisheries and aquaculture, forest, health, tourism, and transport—and aims to be fully operational by 2030. The process is divided into four phases: Analysis (completed), Design (underway), Development (underway), and Implementation (not started). Recent progress includes the creation of a final project design, interoperability proposals for data exchange with the National Environmental Information System, and the establishment of a baseline for loss and damage indicators.

The November 2024 update reveals a three-year stagnation in global warming projections, with current policies setting the world on a path toward 2.7°C of warming by 2100. While renewable energy and electric vehicle deployment have seen record growth, these gains are offset by all-time high fossil fuel subsidies and increased funding for fossil fuel projects. The report warns that without a substantial increase in the ambition of 2030 and 2035 targets, the 1.5°C limit will likely be breached in the early 2030s, leading to a multidecadal overshoot.

The document examines South Africa's transition from coal, noting that while the country is a global leader in planning, it faces significant implementation hurdles. Key issues include a misalignment between the low ambitions of national government and foreign funders versus the high expectations of local communities and unions. The brief identifies limited local institutional capacity and inadequate conventional financing as major barriers. It specifically discusses green hydrogen projects, where social goals are often treated as secondary to cost and technical feasibility. The authors argue that transparent decision-making and addressing local priorities—such as basic services and food security—are essential to maintain public legitimacy and ensure the transition's success.

The European Union is finalizing its COP29 position, focusing on securing a new global climate finance target to replace the expiring $100 billion annual commitment and advocating for a 90% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2040. The EU intends to push for increased funding for developing countries, encourage contributions from highly polluting nations like China, and seek specific phase-out dates for coal, gas, and oil.

The briefing finds that while net zero commitments among the top 50 steel producers have slightly increased, half of these companies still lack a 2050 target, and 23 lack concrete intermediate milestones. Transparency remains low, with only 15 companies defining their emission scopes. The report highlights the 2023 launch of the Science Based Targets initiative (SBTi) steel sector guidance as a key tool for improving target transparency and ambition, citing SSAB and Thyssenkrupp as early adopters.

The document refutes the claim that Canada can obtain internationally transferred mitigation outcomes (ITMOs) under Article 6.2 of the Paris Agreement by exporting LNG. It asserts that such exports likely do not reduce global emissions and that foreign buyers would not provide credits for free. The brief further notes that using Article 6.2 for coal-to-LNG switching would be a costly subsidy for domestic gas producers and would violate commitments against subsidizing fossil fuels abroad.

The Green Economy Coalition calls for a transformation of the Bretton Woods institutions, specifically the IMF and World Bank, to address outdated governance, unsustainable debt in the Global South, and the need for financial flows to align with the Paris Agreement and the Kunming-Montreal Biodiversity Framework.

The Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA) and Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) provide substantial funding for U.S. public transit and clean energy, including $91.9 billion for transit via the IIJA and $12.3 billion for transportation via the IRA. Key programs include the Urbanized Area Formula Grants, the State of Good Repair Formula Grants, and the Neighborhood Access and Equity (NAE) program. However, the analysis suggests a continued reliance on car-centric infrastructure, with $307 billion of combined transportation funding directed toward roadway planning and development, potentially undermining climate goals and equity through induced demand and the prioritization of personal electric vehicles over mass transit.

The document is a detailed reference guide defining the organizational structures, legal agreements, and technical terminology of the UNFCCC. It covers key treaties such as the Paris Agreement and Kyoto Protocol, explains the roles of various bodies like the COP and its subsidiary bodies, and defines critical climate concepts including Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), the Global Stocktake, and the Enhanced Transparency Framework. It also details the roles of non-state actors through the nine recognized NGO constituencies and describes the financial mechanisms, such as the Green Climate Fund, used to support developing countries.

The 2024 BRICS Summit is expected to focus on integrating new members and defining the role of 'partner countries' rather than further expansion. Key economic goals include increasing trade in local currencies to reduce dollar reliance and streamlining payments via the BRICS Cross-Border Payments Initiative. The document highlights opportunities for coordination between BRICS, the G20, and the G7, particularly with Brazil and South Africa holding leadership roles in 2025. On climate, BRICS is expected to reaffirm support for the Paris Agreement and a just transition that allows for the continued use of fossil fuels for energy security, while potentially introducing a new framework for sustainable development and carbon market projects.

This report, prepared by an Independent High-Level Expert Group (IHLEG) for the Brazilian G20 Presidency and the G20 Sustainable Finance Working Group, reviews the Vertical Climate and Environmental Funds (VCEFs). It assesses the current climate finance gap in emerging markets and developing economies (EMDEs) and provides a strategic framework to optimize VCEF operations and enhance their ability to mobilize sustainable finance.

The document asserts that despite early commitments in 2019, French financial actors continue to support coal companies, undermining France's international climate leadership. It highlights that between 2021 and 2023, the four largest French banks financed 26 problematic coal companies. The author argues that voluntary policies are insufficient and calls for a mandatory regulatory framework with clear definitions of excluded companies and deterrent sanctions to ensure a complete exit from both thermal and metallurgical coal.

The document presents case studies on Chile, Indonesia, and South Africa, focusing on how these nations balance the global demand for critical minerals with the need to decarbonize their mining sectors. It assesses the economic weight of mining, country-level greenhouse gas emissions, and the national policies used to align mining activities with international climate commitments and the Paris Agreement.

The 2024 update by the NewClimate Institute finds that aggregated emissions for 25 major emitters could be 10% below 2019 levels by 2030 in a best-case scenario, an improvement over 2023 projections but still far short of the 43% reduction needed for the 1.5°C goal. While no country has strengthened its Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) since 2023, half of the assessed countries are likely on track to meet their unconditional targets, suggesting an opportunity to increase ambition.

The document examines industrialisation trends in Africa, identifying South Africa, Morocco, and Egypt as leaders while highlighting the challenges of commodity dependence and premature deindustrialisation. It analyzes specific success stories in Ethiopia's textiles, Rwanda's ICT, and Ghana's automotive sectors, and argues for structuralist policies and increased EU support for green industries and climate finance to accelerate the transition.

The document explores transition finance as a tool for emerging and developing economies, particularly in Asia, to decarbonise high-emitting sectors that struggle to meet strict green finance criteria. It analyses the taxonomies of Japan, Singapore, Hong Kong, and ASEAN, while highlighting risks of 'transition-washing' and the need for science-based targets and independent verification to ensure alignment with 1.5°C pathways.

The document argues that the climate crisis is a human rights crisis, creating a legal obligation for States and corporations to provide remedy and full reparation for loss and damage. It asserts that the right to remedy is already established under international law and does not require new norms, but rather the application of existing frameworks and the 'polluter pays principle' to hold fossil fuel industries accountable. The text criticizes the UNFCCC for failing to uphold the right to remedy through its reliance on voluntary approaches and calls for the restructuring of loss and damage mechanisms to align with human rights standards. Finally, it emphasizes that while the UNFCCC is insufficient, complementary legal strategies—including litigation in international, regional, and national courts—are essential for delivering climate justice.

The document argues against a framework convention for the future plastics treaty, asserting that such a structure would delay concrete action. Instead, it recommends a substantive or hybrid treaty containing binding obligations and technical annexes. By comparing the successes of the Montreal Protocol with the perceived failures of the UNFCCC and Kyoto Protocol, the author highlights that mandatory national targets and efficient amendment processes for annexes are critical for effectiveness. The briefing warns that voluntary provisions and a lack of voting mechanisms in the Conference of the Parties (COP) risk creating an ineffectual 'paper tiger' agreement.

The report details a systematic approach to quantifying 'bottom-up' climate finance needs—the capital countries state they require to meet national targets—as opposed to 'top-down' predictive models. CPI reviewed 168 NDCs, standardizing diverse data on currency, timeframes, and sector classifications using its Global Landscape of Climate Finance (GLCF) taxonomy. The methodology distinguishes between unconditional (domestic) and conditional (international) needs, while acknowledging significant data gaps, as less than half of the reviewed NDCs provided fully costed finance needs.