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The document assesses the gap between Colombia's robust policy frameworks for the 2030 Agenda and climate goals and their actual implementation, which is hindered by conflicting priorities and institutional weaknesses. It highlights that while most land-use policies are synergistic, specific conflicts—particularly within mining legislation—and the criminalization of peasant farmers through military operations like Operation Artemisa undermine conservation efforts. The authors argue that overcoming this incoherence requires better inter-agency coordination, community engagement, and regional cooperation within the Amazon biome.

The Citizen Forum for Economic Justice opposes the European Commission's plan to use an "Omnibus" directive to review and potentially roll back the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CS3D), the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD), and the Green Taxonomy. The authors contend that private sector lobbies are using "competitiveness" and "administrative simplification" as pretexts to weaken corporate responsibility, specifically threatening the principle of civil liability and the requirement for science-aligned climate transition plans. They argue that these regulations are essential for meeting Paris Agreement commitments and protecting human and environmental rights.

The document argues that the European Commission's plan to use 'Omnibus' legislation to revise the CS3D, CSRD, and EU Taxonomy is a response to private sector lobbying under the guise of 'competitiveness' and 'administrative simplification'. The authors warn that this could undermine corporate accountability for human rights and environmental abuses, weaken civil liability for multinational companies, and jeopardize the EU's goal of carbon neutrality by 2050 and the Paris Agreement objectives.

The research examines how the transition to low-carbon transport in Sweden may disproportionately affect certain societal groups. It argues that achieving Paris Agreement goals requires not only technological shifts but also a reduction in fossil-based transport and an increase in public and active transport. The study emphasizes that the resulting impacts on quality of life can vary, potentially deepening existing inequalities based on individuals' lived values and diverse categories of loss, such as social networks and attachments to places.

The CCPI 2025 reports that while 61 of 64 assessed countries increased their renewable energy share over five years, the top three ranks remain vacant as no country performs well enough to meet Paris Agreement goals. Denmark ranks 4th, while oil and gas producers like Iran, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Russia are the lowest performers. The G20, responsible for over 75% of global emissions, shows poor overall performance with only the UK and India ranking as high performers.

Trase's co-directors criticize proposed EPP amendments to the EUDR, specifically the introduction of a "no risk" country category. They argue that the criteria for this category—such as stable net forest area—are scientifically flawed and could mask significant deforestation, create legal uncertainty regarding WTO rules, and introduce loopholes that undermine the regulation's effectiveness.

The document outlines a two-step process for choosing climate scenarios that effectively guide greenhouse gas emission reductions. It advises avoiding scenarios produced by entities with conflicts of interest, such as oil and gas companies, and instead prioritizing independent sources like the IEA and IPCC. A robust scenario must have at least a 50% probability of limiting warming to 1.5°C with low or zero 'overshoot' and must rely on limited negative emissions to avoid risking irreversible climate tipping points.

The document examines how discrepancies between NDC accounting and IPCC standards lead to an overestimation of land-based carbon sequestration, potentially reducing the global carbon budget by 15-18%. It highlights that current NDC pledges for land-based removal involve approximately 1 billion hectares, which the author claims is impossible without threatening food security and biodiversity. Furthermore, the briefing critiques IPCC Integrated Assessment Models (IAMs) for ignoring land tenure, human rights, and the declining ability of natural sinks to store carbon under rising temperatures, suggesting that sustainable removal potential is up to 79% lower than IPCC estimates.

The document is an open letter calling on governments to combat climate disinformation, which it argues undermines public understanding and delays urgent climate action. It specifically demands that governments hold media, advertising technology, and tech companies accountable by encouraging them to adopt a universal definition of climate disinformation, increase transparency, and stop the monetization of false content. The signatories advocate for the adoption of the UN's Global Principles for Information Integrity to foster a healthier online environment and support the goals of the Paris Agreement and IPCC scientific consensus.

The document argues that climate disinformation, driven by vested interests and enabled by big tech, undermines global climate negotiations and public safety. It urges governments to adopt the UN's Global Principles For Information Integrity and pressure social media, advertising, and publishing companies to recognize the threat, adopt a universal definition of climate disinformation, and implement transparent plans to stop its spread.

Global warming projections for 2100 have remained stagnant since 2021, with current policies leading to a median estimate of 2.7°C of warming. While clean energy investments now double those for fossil fuels, record-high fossil fuel subsidies and funding for prolonging projects are preventing the steep emissions decline required by the Paris Agreement. The briefing emphasizes that seven large emitters and the COP Troika countries, responsible for 63% of 2022 global emissions, must set more ambitious 2030 and 2035 targets to align with 1.5°C.

The Oil & Gas Decarbonization Charter, launched at COP28 by 50 companies, is criticized for focusing on upstream operational emissions while ignoring the larger impact of burning produced fuels. Analysis shows that between January and September 2024, Charter members approved 68 new oil and gas fields containing 14 billion barrels of oil equivalent, which could release nearly 5 billion metric tonnes of CO2. Ten companies, including ADNOC, Saudi Aramco, Petrobras, TotalEnergies, and Shell, are responsible for over 90 percent of these new reserves. These projects represent a commitment of nearly USD 250 billion in expenditure. While the IEA's 1.5ºC pathway requires global production to decline by nearly 20 percent by 2030, Charter companies are projected to increase their production by 17 percent by 2030.

Non-CO2 emissions account for approximately 25% of global greenhouse gas emissions, yet they are frequently overlooked in NDCs, which often lack gas-specific quantitative targets. While some countries like Côte d’Ivoire and Japan provide good practice examples of quantitative targets, major emitters including China, Russia, India, and Brazil generally only include non-CO2 gases as part of overall GHG targets. China, whose current NDC covers only CO2 despite non-CO2 gases making up 18% of its national emissions, has indicated it will include these gases in its updated NDC. The brief argues that the 2025 NDC update cycle is a critical opportunity for major emitters, particularly China, to adopt sector-specific targets and align with international initiatives like the Global Methane Pledge and the Kigali Amendment to maintain the 1.5°C warming limit.

A global network of women leaders from business, politics, and civil society urges world leaders to accelerate carbon pollution reduction. They demand that by 2025, governments increase NDC ambition to align with the 1.5°C limit, phase out fossil fuels, triple renewables, double energy efficiency, halt deforestation, and mobilize public and private finance, particularly for the Global South.

Climate justice activist Joshua Omonuk, representing the Agape Earth Coalition, calls for a fundamental shift in how climate adaptation finance is delivered to Africa. Highlighting that Africa receives only about 2% of total global climate funds, the author demands that COP29 establish a fairer system characterized by direct access for Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and Small Island Developing States (SIDS), a preference for grants over loans to avoid debt, and increased accountability for private sector polluters. The document also details a European tour conducted by the coalition to build political alliances with MEPs and NGOs to amplify these demands ahead of the summit.

The guide outlines the critical themes of COP29, emphasizing its role as a "finance COP" focused on the New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) and the operationalization of the Loss and Damage Fund. It highlights the tension between rich and poor nations regarding climate aid, the influence of the United States, and the controversies surrounding Azerbaijan's role as host. Additionally, it provides logistical details for media personnel attending the event from November 11 to 22, 2024.

The document examines the role of Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanisms (CBAMs) in preventing carbon leakage and reducing emissions, with a primary focus on the EU CBAM. It argues that while the EU CBAM aims to promote global decarbonisation, it may only slightly reduce overall emissions while imposing significant economic burdens on developing nations, potentially costing them billions in income. The briefing highlights a growing, uncoordinated global trend of countries introducing their own carbon tariffs, which risks fragmenting trade and creating high compliance costs for small producers. It concludes that international cooperation, aligned with UNFCCC principles and supported by climate finance, is essential to ensure these mechanisms support global climate goals without unfairly penalising vulnerable economies.

The author contends that hosting COP29 in Azerbaijan—a country with an authoritarian regime and a growing fossil fuel industry—threatens the summit's potential for real change. The text highlights Azerbaijan's lack of net-zero targets, its expansion of gas production, and its poor human rights record, including the detention of environmental activists. It also criticizes the European Union for increasing gas imports from Azerbaijan, which the author claims bolsters the regime's power. Finally, the document calls for the UN to reform the COP host selection process by introducing mandatory climate action and human rights requirements.

The policy brief contends that carbon markets are a flawed mechanism that fails to provide real climate finance, instead allowing Global North polluters to avoid direct emission reductions while potentially harming Global South communities.

The document examines how ISDS allows foreign investors, particularly in the fossil fuel industry, to sue governments over climate regulations, leading to a 'chilling effect' where states delay or weaken policies to avoid costly awards. It argues that these protections act as a subsidy for GHG-intensive industries, contradicting Article 2.1(c) of the Paris Agreement. The brief concludes that fragmented procedural reforms are insufficient and advocates for a unified global approach, including the use of COP29 and Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) to coordinate ISDS withdrawals or carve-outs.