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The author argues that Poland and Ukraine's dependence on Russian gas and oil creates significant security vulnerabilities, which Russia exploits for political pressure. While Poland is investing in infrastructure like the Świnoujście LNG terminal and Baltic Pipe to end gas imports by 2022, Ukraine remains more vulnerable due to limited financial and regulatory capacity. The document posits that long-term resilience against 'hybrid war' requires a shift from centralized energy systems to distributed networks based on renewables and improved energy efficiency, particularly in the housing sector.

The report identifies a significant surge in global oil and gas pipeline development, with North America leading the trend. It contends that this expansion is predicated on a 'super cycle' of demand from Asia that is incompatible with IPCC climate goals and threatened by the rise of renewables and competing production in other regions. The authors compare the current situation to the 2011–2016 coal mining crash, warning that high leverage and a loss of 'social license' create a high risk of stranded assets.

The study examines the forestry value chains of South Africa, Mozambique, and Tanzania, noting a divide between South Africa's plantation-dominated, high-value sector and the natural forest-based, low-value sectors of Mozambique and Tanzania. It highlights limited intra-regional trade due to logistics and divergent domestic markets, with most production destined for domestic use or international exports to China and Japan. The report suggests that the region could become a significant pulp production site, particularly in Mozambique and Tanzania, provided land access and community conflict issues are resolved. It recommends establishing regional forums, data initiatives, and skills development to enhance the forestry sector's integration and competitiveness.

RMI research indicates that clean energy portfolios are now cost-competitive with new natural gas power plants. Consequently, over $70 billion in planned gas-fired power plant construction and $30 billion in new interstate pipelines face significant stranded cost risks, as these assets may become uneconomic by 2035 and lead to increased gas delivery costs.

The Canadian Association of Physicians for the Environment and other partners urge the Canadian government to tighten electricity standards within the Output-Based Pricing System (OBPS). They argue that the proposed standards for coal and natural gas are too lenient, effectively subsidizing the coal industry and undermining Canada's commitment to the Powering Past Coal Alliance. The authors propose a standard of 370 t of CO2e/GWh for existing facilities and 0 for new ones, suggesting that the Climate Action Incentive be increased to protect consumers from potential price increases resulting from more stringent standards.

The document analyzes the energy partnership between Russia and South Africa, noting that while a $76-billion nuclear deal was declared unlawful and abandoned, both nations maintain a strategic need for cooperation. Russia seeks to diversify its export markets through a 'Pivot to the East' to reduce vulnerability to global commodity shocks, while South Africa seeks to resolve a chronic electricity crisis. Current cooperation has shifted toward smaller-scale projects, such as an agreement between Rosatom and the South African government to build mini hydropower plants in Mpumalanga to power rural areas.

The report analyzes Indonesia's fiscal shift from fossil fuel dependence, noting a significant drop in upstream oil and gas revenues from 35% of total revenues in 2001 to 6% in 2016. It argues that current fuel and electricity subsidies are inefficient and that the government underutilizes the fiscal space available through energy consumption taxes compared to other BRIICS countries. The document advocates for investing subsidy savings and fossil fuel taxes into social development, economic diversification, and renewable energy.

The policy brief examines the disproportionate dominance of South Africa within SADC and proposes a model of 'regional champions'—member states taking lead roles in specific sectors—to foster more equitable regional integration. It analyses current power dynamics using economic, military, and diplomatic metrics, identifying potential leaders in industrialisation, infrastructure, and security. The author suggests that South Africa can reduce its regional hegemony and the associated accusations of 'bullying' by supporting a more distributed leadership structure based on the comparative advantages of other member states.

The document introduces a collective volume analyzing the shifting security and geopolitical landscape of the Eastern Mediterranean. It identifies four primary drivers of change: hydrocarbon discoveries, geopolitical antagonisms (particularly involving Turkey), new human security imperatives resulting from Middle Eastern instability, and increased interest from external powers like the US, Russia, and China. The text focuses on the formation of trilateral partnerships (Cyprus-Greece-Israel and Cyprus-Egypt-Greece) as a balancing act against Turkey's regional power projection and explores how these alliances intersect with energy security and the broader refugee crisis affecting Southern Europe.

The document examines the discovery of natural gas in the Eastern Mediterranean and the subsequent formation of political alliances between Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Egypt. It evaluates three primary monetisation strategies: the East Med pipeline to Europe, a pipeline to Turkey, and a triangular strategy using Egypt as a gas hub. The author argues that while these projects are politically desirable for regional security and EU diversification, they face severe technical, financial, and geopolitical obstacles—including high construction costs, seismic risks, and volatile global gas prices—that may render them commercially unviable.

The document analyzes Greece's strategic shift in the Eastern Mediterranean, emphasizing the role of personal beliefs of policymakers like Nikos Kotzias in shaping a 'diverse active policy'. It details Greece's efforts to establish trilateral partnerships with Israel, Egypt, and Cyprus to counter Turkish influence and leverage hydrocarbon discoveries. Central to this strategy is the ambition to become a regional energy hub through projects like the EastMed pipeline and electrical interconnectors, while positioning Greece as an 'exporter of stability' within a 'triangle of instability' comprising Ukraine, Libya, and Syria.

The document examines the geopolitical motivations driving the partnership between Egypt, Greece, and Cyprus, particularly following the election of Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi in 2014. It analyzes the role of massive natural gas discoveries in the Eastern Mediterranean and the shared desire to counter Turkish influence. The author distinguishes between a rigid military alliance and a flexible 'entente,' concluding that the trilateral relationship is the latter, as it lacks binding commitments for military intervention during conflict.

The document analyzes Turkey's ambition to become a regional energy hub and how this goal conflicts with its assertive geostrategic vision and the emerging energy partnerships of other Eastern Mediterranean states. It details Turkey's use of 'gunboat diplomacy' and naval presence to protect the sovereign rights of Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) against the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) and its allies. The authors argue that the current security architecture, characterized by trilateral partnerships and maritime boundary disputes, creates a challenge for Turkish policymakers attempting to reconcile energy ambitions with national security and sovereignty claims.

The report examines the shift in Eastern Mediterranean geopolitics driven by hydrocarbon discoveries and the formation of trilateral partnerships (Greece-Cyprus-Israel and Greece-Cyprus-Egypt). It analyzes these alliances as a balancing act against Turkey's regional power projection and assertive foreign policy. While energy is a primary driver, the report notes that technical, economic, and political obstacles—such as the viability of the EastMed pipeline and maritime boundary disputes—hinder full monetization of gas reserves. The text also explores the domestic drivers of foreign policy in Cyprus and Greece, the historical perceptions of the region from an Israeli perspective, and Turkey's strategic ambition to become a regional energy hub.

The policy brief examines the "steel for fuel" strategy, where utilities replace fossil fuel plants—which incur pass-through fuel costs with no earnings potential—with wind and solar assets that allow for regulated equity returns. Using Xcel Energy as a primary example, the document explains how this transition can reduce consumer bills through fuel savings while maintaining or increasing shareholder value. It highlights the role of competitive bidding and the balance between utility ownership and independent power producers (IPPs) to ensure the lowest costs for consumers.

The author contends that Horizon Europe, the EU's primary research and innovation financing tool for 2021-2027, requires a higher budget and stricter climate-proofing to support the transition to a carbon-neutral economy. Key recommendations include increasing the climate-spending target to at least 40%, explicitly excluding funding for fossil fuel projects, raising the total budget to €120 billion, and creating stronger synergies with the Innovation Fund to bridge the gap between research and market deployment.

The paper advocates for limiting the production of coal, gas, and oil to increase climate policy ambition. It specifically highlights that California could substantially reduce global CO2 emissions and improve local environmental justice by stopping the issuance of permits for new oil wells.

The Union of Concerned Scientists (UCS) finds that over one-third of US nuclear plants are unprofitable or scheduled to close due to cheap natural gas and falling renewable costs. Without carbon-reduction policies, early retirements could increase US power sector emissions by 4% to 6% by 2035. The report recommends adopting carbon pricing or low-carbon electricity standards and conditioning any nuclear subsidies on strict safety performance and consumer protections.

The Union of Concerned Scientists finds that over one-third of US nuclear plants are unprofitable or scheduled to close, primarily due to low natural gas prices. Without new policies, early retirements could increase power sector carbon emissions by 4% to 6% by 2035 as plants are replaced by natural gas and coal. The report argues that national carbon pricing or a low-carbon electricity standard would preserve existing nuclear capacity, diversify the energy mix, and significantly reduce emissions with minimal impact on household electricity bills. It further recommends that any financial support for distressed plants be contingent on high safety performance ratings from the NRC and transparency in financial reporting.

The commentary argues that the IRP 2018 is a form of 'climate denial' that lacks a meaningful carbon constraint and continues to prioritize coal and gas over cheaper, cleaner renewables. It highlights the severe health costs of air pollution from Eskom and criticizes the public consultation process as exclusionary. The authors advocate for a total phase-out of coal, the rejection of new extractive gas projects, and a transition to a socially owned renewable energy system that creates jobs and ensures energy justice for the poor.