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The research evaluates 168 NDCs against international environmental law, finding that some states use justifications—such as least cost pathways or emissions per GDP—that lack legal backing. By applying principles of harm prevention, precaution, and the Paris Agreement's ambition goals, the author argues that developed states must reach net-negative emission levels by 2030 to meet temperature goals. Among G20 nations, only India and Indonesia are identified as being able to temporarily increase emissions relative to 2010, while others have decreased emissions too slowly or increased them over the last decade.

The National Cooling Action Plan (NCAP) for Grenada identifies that buildings and the refrigeration and air conditioning (RAC) sector are major contributors to national greenhouse gas emissions. The report presents emission pathways and mitigation potentials, noting that an enhanced ambition scenario based on international best practices could reduce building sector emissions by 62% by 2050 compared to a low ambition scenario.

The proposal seeks USD 299,846 to help Honduras integrate climate resilience into its post-pandemic and post-disaster economic recovery. The project focuses on using the Green Economy Model (GEM) to quantify impacts, conducting stakeholder consultations to prioritize interventions, and developing a concrete investment plan. This will culminate in three pre-feasibility studies and at least one project concept note for future GCF funding. The initiative is aligned with the national Reconstruction and Sustainable Development Plan (PRDS) and is implemented by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP).

Methane is the second largest contributor to climate change, with concentrations increasing faster now than since the 1980s. Human activities drive over half of global emissions, primarily through agriculture (40%), fossil fuels (35%), and waste (20%). The briefing highlights that cutting methane in these sectors could reduce human emissions by 45% by 2030, avoiding 0.3°C of warming by the 2040s. However, government action is currently insufficient; only nine of 174 countries with Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) have set separate methane targets, and agricultural targets remain largely vague.

The document addresses the funding gap for Paris Agreement emissions goals, arguing that blending carbon markets and climate finance is necessary for mitigation projects in developing countries. It emphasizes the need for proportional attribution standards to ensure the integrity of emissions reduction accounting.

The global pipeline of proposed coal power plants has collapsed by 76% since the 2015 Paris Agreement, with 1,175GW of projects cancelled. While China remains the largest pursuer of coal, hosting 55% of the remaining pre-construction pipeline, many OECD and non-OECD countries have already committed to or are positioned for 'no new coal'. The report highlights that action by six countries—China, India, Viet Nam, Indonesia, Turkey, and Bangladesh—could remove 82% of the remaining global pre-construction pipeline.

The document analyzes Indonesia's National Economic Recovery (PEN) program, finding that 2020 spending heavily favored fossil fuel-related state-owned enterprises and subsidies over clean energy. It highlights a gap in renewable energy targets—reaching only 11.2% in 2020 against a 13.4% target—and recommends reforming fossil fuel subsidies and implementing conditional fiscal support to accelerate the energy transition.

The document explains that Adaptation Communications (ADCOMs) are voluntary reports under the Paris Agreement designed to synthesize a country's climate adaptation priorities, efforts, and needs. It outlines four primary goals: enhancing the visibility of adaptation relative to mitigation, strengthening support for developing countries, providing inputs for the global stocktake, and enhancing learning. Countries have flexibility in submission, choosing to provide ADCOMs as standalone documents, in conjunction with other reports, or as components of existing documents like NDCs or NAPs. The guide emphasizes that ADCOMs are country-driven and should not create additional burdens for developing nations, suggesting that countries can synthesize existing information from their NAP processes to meet submission goals, particularly for the 2023 global stocktake.

The document explains that Adaptation Communications (ADCOMs) are voluntary reports under the Paris Agreement designed to synthesize a country's climate adaptation priorities, needs, and lessons. It outlines four primary purposes: increasing the visibility of adaptation relative to mitigation, mobilizing support for developing countries, providing data for the Global Stocktake, and enhancing learning. The text details flexible submission methods—as standalone documents, linked to other reports, or as components of existing documents like NDCs or NAPs—and emphasizes that ADCOMs should not create additional burdens for developing nations. It also provides a detailed list of optional content elements and explains how countries can leverage their ongoing NAP processes to inform their ADCOMs.

The document explains that Adaptation Communications (ADCOMs) are optional reports under the Paris Agreement used by countries to share climate adaptation priorities, needs, and lessons. It outlines four main objectives: increasing attention to adaptation, strengthening support for developing countries, contributing to the Global Stocktake, and improving knowledge of adaptation measures. Countries can submit ADCOMs as standalone documents, jointly with other reports, or as components of existing documents like NDCs or NAPs to minimize administrative burdens. The text emphasizes that ADCOMs are country-driven, flexible, and not intended for direct comparison between parties.

The September 2021 Global Update by the Climate Action Tracker (CAT) finds that global climate action continues to lag behind the requirements for limiting warming to 1.5°C. While some countries have updated their NDCs, the 2030 emissions gap remains significant, estimated at 20 to 23 GtCO2e. The report introduces a new rating system that integrates targets, policies, and climate finance, revealing that only The Gambia is overall 1.5°C Paris Agreement compatible. Most net zero targets are rated as poor or incomplete, and developed countries are failing to provide sufficient international climate finance or implement policies that align with their fair share of global mitigation efforts.

The Climate Action Tracker (CAT) 2021 rating methodology employs a dual-framework approach, combining 'fair share' principles and 'modelled domestic pathways' to assess government climate action. It evaluates targets (domestic and international), implemented policies, and climate finance to determine an overall rating. The system distinguishes between developed countries, which are expected to provide finance and meet stringent domestic targets, and developing countries, which may require international support to achieve full decarbonisation. The methodology specifically excludes land use, land-use change, and forestry (LULUCF) from main ratings but flags them when they significantly impact a country's emissions profile.

The paper surveys 29 long-term climate strategies (LTSs) submitted to the UNFCCC, representing 42 countries and 28% of global emissions. It finds a growing trend toward net-zero targets, an increasing focus on the fundamental economic and societal shifts required for transition, and a reliance on both natural and technological carbon removals. The analysis highlights that while most strategies include midcentury goals and modeling, the level of detail regarding adaptation and just transition varies, and some parties acknowledge gaps between their most ambitious scenarios and their final targets.

The report finds that current G20 commitments put the world on a trajectory for 2.4°C of warming by 2100. While announced but non-formalised pledges could lower this to 2.1°C, only an 'enhanced ambition' scenario—where all G20 members align 2030 targets with 1.5°C pathways and commit to mid-century net zero—could limit warming to 1.7°C. The authors argue that G20 countries, accounting for 75% of global emissions, are uniquely positioned to close three-quarters of the temperature gap, provided they accelerate near-term action and developed nations ramp up financial support to developing countries.

A coalition of businesses calls on G20 leaders to lead the global climate transition by halving emissions by 2030, ending coal financing, removing fossil fuel subsidies by 2025, and mandating climate-related financial disclosures to drive investment toward sustainable solutions.

The study finds that new coal generation is unnecessary for energy security, more expensive than renewable alternatives, and incompatible with the Paris Agreement. Modelling shows that forcing 1.5 GW of new coal into the power system increases total discounted costs by R23 billion in a reference scenario and R109 billion in a climate policy scenario, while reducing GDP and employment.

A coalition of businesses calls on G20 leaders to lead the global climate response by strengthening Nationally Determined Contributions, ending coal financing, aligning COVID-19 recovery funds with decarbonization, and implementing carbon pricing and mandatory financial disclosures.

Signatory companies call on G20 leaders to lead the global climate fight by aligning national contributions with a 50% emissions reduction by 2030, ending coal power financing, and reforming public finance to support a nature-positive economy.

The text examines the governance of fossil fuel subsidies, noting that while institutional fragmentation across climate, trade, and economic regimes creates coordination challenges, it allows for multiple rationales to drive reform. It argues that because legally binding disciplines have largely failed to capture these subsidies, a system of informal international law—based on voluntary commitments and transparency efforts—has become significant. To increase the effectiveness of this governance complex, the author suggests clarifying the definition and measurement of subsidies and expanding transparency to more countries.

The 47th G7 summit reaffirmed commitments to a "green revolution" and the goal of halving collective carbon emissions by 2030, while pledging to end new direct government support for international carbon-intensive fossil fuel energy. However, the document highlights a disconnect between these goals and African realities, where fossil fuels account for approximately 80% of energy supply and many states are planning coal-fired power expansions. While the G7 welcomed the commitment of up to $2 billion via Climate Investment Funds, the document notes this is insufficient compared to the $20-30 billion per year the African Development Bank estimates Africa requires for climate action until 2030. Furthermore, the $100 billion promised by developed countries since COP15 remains unrealised.