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The document examines the potential for Nigeria to reduce methane emissions in its oil and gas sector, noting that such actions could unlock USD 1.5 billion annually and support the country's commitment to reduce emissions by 30% by 2030 under the Global Methane Pledge.

The WHO-Civil Society Working Group reports on its 2024 achievements, notably catalyzing a new World Health Assembly resolution on climate change and health. The group provided input for the WHO's COP29 Special Report and coordinated policy recommendations endorsed by over 100 organizations. To expand its influence, the group established a COP Task Force to plan activities for COP30. Despite these gains, the report notes that COP29 failed to provide sufficient concessional funding for developing countries or concrete commitments for the phase-out of fossil fuels.

The report evaluates the health integration of NDCs from several countries, finding that while many recognize the health benefits of climate mitigation, most lack measurable health targets, dedicated funding for health adaptation, and alignment with 1.5°C pathways. It provides specific analyses for countries including Brazil, the UK, and the UAE, and offers recommendations for 'Healthy NDCs 3.0' that prioritize health as a central pillar of climate action.

The report identifies a 'triple gap'—planning, finance, and data—in the transition of global agrifood systems. Top-down analysis estimates an annual need of USD 1.1 trillion to align with a 1.5°C pathway, while bottom-up estimates from NDCs total only USD 201.5 billion. Current annual climate finance flows of USD 28.5 billion are severely insufficient, requiring a 40-fold increase to meet top-down needs. The report highlights significant underestimations in national planning and a critical lack of granular data, particularly regarding adaptation and private finance.

Campinas, Brazil, launched its Local Climate Action Plan (PLAC) in June 2024, aiming for net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. The plan utilizes an integrated approach that connects climate priorities with social inclusion and nature, supported by a roadmap of approximately 130 short-term activities to ensure feasibility through 2032. To avoid governance gaps, the city established the Municipal Committee for Coping with Climate Change Impacts, which includes deliberative, consultative, and participative groups. Key immediate priorities include expanding 150 km of cycling infrastructure by 2030 and aligning climate targets with the 2026–2029 Multi-Year Plan (PPA) budget cycle.

Türkiye's solar capacity doubled between July 2022 and the end of 2024, reaching 19.6 GW and surpassing its 2025 target of 18 GW ahead of schedule. This growth was largely driven by unlicensed plants for self-consumption. Combined solar and wind generation avoided $15 billion in natural gas imports over two years. While solar is accelerating, wind energy growth has slowed, with 2024 capacity reaching 12.5 GW, missing its 13.3 GW target. The report highlights a significant pipeline of 33 GW in pre-licensed storage-integrated projects, far exceeding official targets, and suggests that Türkiye should update its NDC and National Energy Plan to reflect these trends and the revised 2035 targets.

The document evaluates COP29's impact on Africa, highlighting the New Collective Quantified Goal on Climate Finance (NCQG) as a central but insufficient outcome. It details failures in the Just Transition Work Programme and fossil fuel phase-out commitments, while noting incremental progress in adaptation roadmaps, carbon market rules, and gender mainstreaming. The authors call for more decisive action and tangible climate justice at COP30.

The report assesses Japan's second NDC, which targets a 60% reduction in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by 2035 and 73% by 2040 compared to 2013 levels. The authors argue these targets are insufficient compared to the global average required to limit warming to 1.5°C and risk Japan losing market share in the global clean energy transition. Key recommendations include accelerating the deployment of solar and wind power, implementing a more effective carbon pricing mechanism with a binding cap, and establishing a clear roadmap for the phase-out of coal-fired power plants.

The report identifies the waste sector as a critical source of methane in Brazil, primarily due to the anaerobic decomposition of organic matter in landfills and open dumps. While Brazil has an ambitious regulatory framework, including the National Solid Waste Policy (PNRS) and the PLANARES plan, implementation is hindered by financial constraints, lack of technical expertise, and a failure to meet the 2024 deadline for closing open dumps. The document highlights opportunities in biomethane production, organic waste diversion (composting and anaerobic digestion), and international climate financing to help Brazil meet its NDC and Global Methane Pledge commitments.

The document details the state of methane emissions from Ecuador's waste sector, highlighting that waste contributed 3% of total greenhouse gas emissions in 2018, with 92% of those being methane. It identifies significant gaps in national planning, local implementation, and technical capacity, particularly regarding organic waste treatment and biogas capture, and proposes a series of strategic opportunities for institutional and technical improvement.

The livestock sector in Paraguay accounted for 50.3% of national emissions in 2021, with 76.2% of those emissions coming from enteric fermentation. The document argues that integrating livestock development with methane mitigation can help Paraguay meet its goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 20% by 2030. Proposed strategies include improving productivity through genetic improvement and pasture management, enhancing knowledge management via demonstration units, and implementing incentive models such as green financial products and carbon markets. The workshop concluded with a call to form a multi-sectoral working group to develop a sector-wide strategy for reducing emissions intensity and enhancing efficiency.

The report exposes how Brazil's powerful agribusiness sector uses political capture and greenwashing to avoid climate accountability, specifically by omitting agricultural methane from the country's Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) and lobbying to weaken environmental protections ahead of COP30.

The report argues that Brazil's agribusiness sector, dominated by giants like JBS, MBRF, and Minerva, exerts systemic control over political and public narratives to avoid climate regulation. It highlights a critical 'blind spot' in Brazil's updated NDC, which omits agricultural methane emissions despite the sector accounting for 75.6% of the country's total methane. The document details how the 'ruralist caucus' (FPA) controls Congress and pushes for controversial methane metrics like GWP* to downplay warming impacts. It also exposes the 'AgriZone' and other industry-led events surrounding COP30 as tools for greenwashing, while noting that structural weaknesses in the Climate Plan, Tax Reform, and Forest Code continue to favour industrial agriculture over sustainable agroecological farming.

The document argues that the GWP* metric allows major methane polluters to claim climate neutrality or "no additional warming" by merely stabilising emissions rather than eliminating them. It details how this approach is being embedded into the policies of New Zealand and Ireland, promoted by industry lobbies in Germany and the UK, and pushed by researchers and trade bodies in Brazil ahead of COP30. The author contends that government-linked research bodies are providing a "veneer of scientific legitimacy" to these industry-driven narratives to weaken national and international climate ambitions.

The document explains that Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) are national plans submitted every five years by parties to the Paris Agreement to show their climate ambition and progress. It argues that human rights-based policies are the most effective form of climate action and an obligation for all parties. The guide urges civil society to contact governments, exercise their right to participate in the drafting process, evaluate NDCs using a provided scorecard, and hold governments accountable for implementing their promises through legal or public action.

The document serves as a toolkit for civil society to ensure that the next round of NDCs, due before COP30, are human rights-based. It argues that such policies are both a legal obligation for Parties to the Paris Agreement and the most effective form of climate action. The guide outlines four primary actions for citizens: contacting governments, participating in drafting processes, reviewing NDCs using a provided scorecard, and holding governments accountable for implementation.

The document outlines seven criteria for 'health-inclusive' NDCs, including alignment with 1.5°C warming limits, healthcare sector adaptation, and the reduction of super-pollutants. It provides a roadmap for civil society to engage governments, suggests interministerial coordination strategies, and identifies common barriers—such as ministerial silos and lack of data—alongside corresponding solutions to ensure health is prioritised in national climate plans.

Based on 225 interviews with high-level stakeholders, the report finds that while climate and health policies are currently largely siloed across the six studied regions, there is a strong consensus that further integration is necessary to maximize co-benefits and address complex challenges. Common barriers include funding shortages, data gaps, and institutional silos, while opportunities include upcoming policy deliberations and rising public awareness. The report suggests strategies such as adopting 'health in all policies' approaches, increasing the use of scientific evidence, and enhancing cross-sectoral collaboration.

The report finds that global warming of 0.3°C since 2015 has already increased the annual average of hot days by 11 per country. While current emissions pledges have reduced projected warming from 4°C to 2.6°C, the latter would still result in an average of 57 additional hot days per year compared to today. Case studies of six major heat events show that some would have been nearly impossible without climate change, and all have increased in intensity and likelihood. The document argues that while heat early warning systems have expanded, adaptation finance and systemic urban and labor reforms are insufficient to meet the escalating risks.

The report identifies a systemic failure within the UNFCCC where justice efforts are fragmented across isolated mechanisms, allowing for symbolic recognition without the redistribution of power. It proposes an integrated justice framework—comprising distributive, procedural, recognitional, restorative, and transformative justice—to diagnose gaps and guide policy. The author argues that the JTWP risks becoming a 'talking shop' unless it is operationalised through binding commitments, a permanent coordination body, and sector-specific pathways beyond the energy sector. Key recommendations for COP30 include adopting ILO Guidelines as foundational principles and mandating integrated justice assessments in Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs).