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The Union of Concerned Scientists argues that the US can technically achieve a 50% reduction in heat-trapping emissions by 2030 and net-zero by 2050 through widespread electrification and renewables. However, it emphasizes that carbon-only modeling is insufficient; a transformative transition must actively dismantle structural racism and economic inequality by prioritizing marginalized communities, ensuring a fair transition for fossil fuel workers, and shifting power from corporate interests to community governance.

The report analyzes how a $55 billion annual federal investment in clean energy and land restoration could generate nearly 260,000 rural jobs and $21.7 billion in annual value added for rural US economies. It identifies seven priority investment pathways: renewable energy, energy efficiency, grid modernization (transmission, distribution, and storage), environmental remediation of fossil fuel sites, tree restoration on federal and non-federal lands, and wildfire risk management. The analysis emphasizes that nearly 45% of these jobs would benefit economically disadvantaged rural counties. The document provides specific state-level data and proposes federal policy vehicles, such as tax credits and grant programs, to catalyze these investments.

The briefing evaluates the virtual UN Climate Change subsidiary bodies sessions, noting that while substantive discussions occurred, significant divides between developed and developing nations persisted. Key areas of limited progress include the Paris Agreement Rulebook, carbon markets under Article 6, and the delivery of climate finance. The document highlights logistical hurdles of virtual negotiations and a perceived imbalance in the agenda, which sidelined critical issues like loss and damage and the global goal on adaptation, leaving substantial political and technical work for COP26 in Glasgow.

The We Mean Business Coalition, representing over 1,800 companies with a combined market cap of US$24.8 trillion, calls on G7 heads of state to adopt specific climate policies. Key recommendations include phasing out coal by 2030, ending fossil fuel subsidies by 2025, and mandating climate-related financial disclosures. The coalition argues that a green recovery will better boost GDP and employment than traditional stimulus measures and urges the G7 to lead by example ahead of G20 and COP26.

The report establishes a conceptual framework for urban climate finance, emphasizing that mobilization depends on the alignment of country-specific, city-specific, and climate-specific enabling conditions. It details the five roles city governments play—consumer, provider, fundraiser, regulator, and champion—and argues that a lack of administrative capacity, fragmented authority, and limited revenue sources in developing countries create significant barriers. The document recommends integrating climate considerations into all levels of city planning (strategic, spatial, capital investment, and budgetary) and suggests using carbon pricing, land-value capture, and conditional intergovernmental transfers to close the urban financing gap.

The document analyzes how free emission allowances under the EU ETS led to up to 50 billion euros in windfall profits for energy-intensive industries between 2008 and 2019. It challenges the 'carbon leakage' justification for these allowances, noting a lack of evidence for industrial relocation. The author recommends transitioning to full auctioning of permits and utilizing the resulting revenues for climate innovation and a just transition.

The document critiques orthodox macroeconomic policies for ignoring social reproduction and gendered power dynamics, particularly in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic in Africa. It argues that neoliberal austerity and financialisation have undermined public services and increased the burden of unpaid care on women. The authors propose a recovery based on a 'feminist green economy,' increased fiscal space through progressive taxation and debt cancellation, and a shift toward a social reproductive economy that prioritises basic income and universal access to essential services.

The document contends that Africa's historical 'jobless growth' is due to a dependence on primary commodities and a lack of structural transformation. It proposes a shift from 'stabilization' to 'transformation' by coordinating fiscal and monetary policies with sectoral and labour market interventions. Key recommendations include increasing public investment in the care economy and infrastructure, implementing expenditure-switching methods to reduce import reliance, adopting progressive taxation, and establishing national minimum wages to boost domestic demand and productivity.

The report outlines a framework for Canada's first National Adaptation Strategy (NAS), drawing on a review of 12 policy instruments from 11 countries. It identifies a global trend where adaptation planning is increasing and regularly updated, but implementation and monitoring and evaluation (M&E) remain weak. For Canada, the authors recommend establishing clear institutional arrangements, a unified climate risk assessment approach, and a robust M&E system. The report emphasizes the need for deep engagement with Indigenous Peoples to advance reconciliation and the integration of gender equality and social inclusion through Gender-Based Analysis Plus (GBA+). It also suggests bridging the gap between climate adaptation and disaster risk reduction (DRR) and elevating nature-based solutions.

The document highlights the critical need for long-term, coordinated planning to manage the socio-economic shift away from coal in India, where the sector provides 70% of electricity and employs nearly 4 million people. It identifies seven priority elements for a just transition: long-term planning, union engagement, community engagement, addressing coal as a generational identity, local economic diversification, securing worker pensions, and environmental remediation. The brief argues that because coal is deeply embedded in the economy—contributing significantly to federal and state revenues in Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, and Odisha—unplanned contractions could cause severe instability. It recommends leveraging international experience, such as Germany's mine closures and Denmark's Ørsted's diversification, while developing domestic mechanisms like the expanded use of District Mineral Foundations (DMFs) for local job creation.

The report finds that international public finance for gas in low- and middle-income countries is four times higher than for wind or solar, risking a 'dash for gas' that locks economies into high-carbon pathways. It argues that gas is no longer a necessary 'bridge fuel' because renewables are often cheaper and more effective for power, cooking, and industry. The document recommends that international financial institutions end support for gas and instead scale up clean energy finance, focusing on grid integration, technology transfer, and a just transition for workers.

The report finds that international public financing for gas projects in low- and middle-income countries is four times higher than for wind or solar, creating a 'lock-in effect' that threatens climate goals. It argues that gas is no longer a necessary 'bridge technology' because renewables are often cheaper and more effective for energy access. The document recommends that international financial institutions cease all support for gas infrastructure and instead fund grid integration, technology transfer, and a just transition for affected workers.

The report finds that international public finance for gas projects in low- and middle-income countries averaged nearly USD 16 billion per year from 2017 to 2019, which is four times the amount provided for wind or solar. It argues that the 'bridge fuel' concept is obsolete due to the urgency of the climate crisis, methane leakage, and the falling costs of renewables. The document recommends that international public finance institutions end all support for gas exploration, production, and long-lived infrastructure, instead scaling up finance for grid integration, technology transfer, and universal clean energy access. Case studies of Argentina, Egypt, and India illustrate risks such as high subsidies, dependence on volatile export markets, and the creation of redundant parallel infrastructures for gas and electric vehicles.

The report finds that international public finance disproportionately supports natural gas in low- and middle-income countries, often exceeding support for wind and solar by four times. It argues that the 'bridge fuel' narrative is obsolete due to the falling costs of renewables and the risks of stranded assets and methane leaks. The document recommends that international financial institutions cease funding gas infrastructure and instead support clean energy integration, technology transfer, and a just transition, particularly for the poorest nations.

The report finds that international public finance disproportionately supports natural gas over renewables in the Global South, creating risks of stranded assets and carbon lock-in. It argues that renewables are now cost-competitive for most gas uses and recommends that public financial institutions cease support for gas infrastructure to prioritize clean energy transitions.

The report warns that 11 major Eurozone banks hold over 530 billion euros in fossil fuel assets, representing 95% of their total equity. It argues that these assets are prone to becoming 'stranded assets' as the world transitions to meet the Paris Agreement, potentially triggering a financial crisis similar to the 2008 subprime mortgage crisis. The authors critique 'green finance' as largely greenwashing and call for the European Central Bank (ECB) to align its monetary policy with climate goals, increase capital requirements for fossil fuel exposure, and establish a public 'bad bank' to manage the phased extinction of these assets.

The report warns that the 11 largest banks in the eurozone hold over 530 billion euros in fossil fuel assets, which represent 95% of their total equity on average. This overexposure creates a significant risk of 'stranded assets' as the world transitions to meet Paris Agreement goals. The authors argue that current 'green finance' is largely a greenwashing tool and that voluntary bank commitments are insufficient. They propose a two-step solution: first, implementing strict regulations and reforming European Central Bank (ECB) monetary policy to stop new fossil fuel funding; second, establishing a public 'fossil bank' under the ECB to buy back and gradually phase out these risky assets to protect financial stability and enable the ecological transition.

The document argues that current US climate policy reinforces inequities and risks political instability by placing the costs of transition on energy customers and workers. It proposes five objectives: decreasing energy burdens through flexible tax credits, driving growth via a 'transition tax credit' for carbon productivity, expanding Department of Energy Loan Programs Office (LPO) financing to manage legacy fossil asset risks, increasing funding for the reclamation of fossil fuel sites, and prioritizing the retirement of assets causing the most health harm.

The document examines how the global shift toward low-carbon energy, driven by the Paris Agreement, creates a risk of stranded assets for fossil fuel-dependent African nations. While this transition threatens export revenues and economic stability, it offers opportunities through increased demand for critical minerals like cobalt and copper. The author argues for a 'just transition' that avoids premature deindustrialisation and leverages fossil fuel revenues for economic diversification and green industrialisation.

The decline of gold mining in South Africa's Free State Goldfields led to catastrophic economic collapse, rising poverty, and severe gender-based vulnerabilities. Initial local government responses failed by prioritizing the revival of a vanishing industry over economic diversification. While the Free State Goldfields Development Centre showed early success in job creation and diversification, political factionalism and governance failures undermined long-term gains. National interventions, including Social and Labour Plans, are criticized for being too general and failing to address community-wide needs or local conditions.