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The submission argues that the Electricity Regulation Amendment Bill [B23 – 2023] lacks sufficient provisions for a just transition, energy decentralisation, and transparency. It specifically criticises the potential for grid privatisation through wheeling agreements, the lack of regulatory support for energy storage and small-scale embedded generation (SSEG), and the expansion of Ministerial discretion over the Integrated Resource Plan (IRP) and procurement processes. The authors also object to proposed confidentiality clauses that could limit public access to licence applications and call for stronger public participation requirements aligned with PAJA and PAIA.

The report identifies a fragmented policy environment and significant perceived cost barriers hindering the adoption of net zero carbon buildings in Nigeria. While the country possesses an advanced green bond market and established conventional debt financing, most other financial and policy instruments remain nascent or small-scale. The authors recommend establishing a national net zero carbon building strategy, increasing professional capacity, and ensuring a just transition that links building affordability with local job creation.

The European Union is expanding its Emissions Trading System (ETS2) to cover buildings and road transport, starting in 2027 or 2028. While intended to accelerate decarbonisation by applying the 'polluter pays' principle, the system risks disproportionately impacting low-income households. To mitigate this, the EU has established the Social Climate Fund (SCF) to support vulnerable groups and finance energy retrofitting. Carbon Market Watch advocates for increasing the SCF cap, strengthening energy performance standards, banning internal combustion engines by 2035, and ensuring that carbon pricing is complemented by binding national targets under the Effort Sharing Regulation.

The Green Economy Coalition responds to the IEA's Net Zero Roadmap and the International Climate and Energy Summit, emphasizing that while technology exists to limit warming to 1.5 °C, success depends on tripling renewable capacity, doubling energy efficiency, and reducing methane emissions by 75% by 2030. The Coalition argues that the transition must be 'people-centred' and based on 'eco-social contracts' to ensure marginalized voices are included and multilateral financial institutions are reformed to support emerging economies.

The report advocates for Indonesia Green Taxonomy 2.0 to incorporate 'transition finance' to bridge the gap between traditional and green finance. It highlights the ASEAN Taxonomy's approach to coal phase-out—where shortening a plant's commercial operation to a maximum of 35 years can qualify it as sustainable—and warns against including 'captive coal plants' in the green category to avoid deterring global investors. The author proposes a framework based on five G20 pillars, emphasizing clear technical screening criteria, synchronized disclosure policies, and a Just Transition Finance Framework to ensure equitable benefits.

Nigeria faces a significant housing shortage of 17 million units, with a projected need for 700,000 units annually by 2050. The report finds that the policy environment for net zero carbon buildings is fragmented, lacking an overarching national strategy. While some financial instruments like concessional loans and green bonds are well-established, many others remain nascent or unused. The most severe barriers are political (lack of regulations and standards) and financial (lack of affordable finance and awareness of funding). The report recommends five priority areas: embodied carbon and materials, appliances and lighting, cooling, electricity generation, and clean cooking, proposing specific financial and policy pathways to scale these solutions.

Global Energy Monitor identifies nearly 2.7 million coal miners worldwide, with the majority in Asia. The report warns that 414,200 jobs could be lost by 2035 and 990,200 by 2050 due to the industry's own 'life of mine' closure schedules, regardless of climate policies. It highlights that current climate pledges cover only 6% of the thermal coal workforce, leaving millions vulnerable. The report emphasizes the need for just transition mechanisms, such as the Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs), and suggests bridging employment through mine reclamation and renewable energy repurposing.

The Universal Basic Income Coalition (UBIC) advocates for a rights-based social protection floor in South Africa, specifically a universal basic income (UBI) for adults aged 18-59. The coalition argues that current systems leave a gap for able-bodied working-age adults, contributing to extreme poverty and inequality. They propose a grant that is universal, unconditional, and redistributive, funded through progressive taxation rather than regressive measures like VAT. The UBIC suggests a progressive realization of this goal, starting with the expansion of the COVID-19 Social Relief of Distress (SRD) grant, with the ultimate target of pegging the grant value to the Upper Bound Poverty Line (UBPL). They emphasize that UBI should be an individual rather than household-based payment to protect women's autonomy and should be part of a broader wellbeing framework including job creation and improved public services.

The submission critiques the National Treasury's use of IFI loans, highlighting how World Bank conditionalities and IMF variable interest rates restrict policy autonomy and increase financial risk. It specifically warns that the Just Energy Transition Investment Plan (JET-IP) may exacerbate debt dependency. The authors call for mandatory parliamentary oversight, human rights impact assessments, and gender-responsive budgeting for all future IFI lending.

The report examines South Africa's transition from a coal-dependent energy system to renewable sources, emphasizing the need for a 'just' transition that integrates decarbonization with social justice and industrialization. It analyzes the role of the Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP), the challenges of the national grid, the financial vulnerabilities of municipalities, and the potential for domestic and international climate finance to support the transition.

The report analyzes the complexities of Indonesia's transition away from coal, highlighting a conflict between government/industry priorities—which focus on economic stability and coal derivatives—and the social and environmental priorities of civil society. It identifies significant barriers, including a quasi-monopoly on electricity by the state-owned PLN, deep political ties between coal oligarchs and policymakers, and a lack of coordination between national and regional governments. While initiatives like the Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) and Energy Transition Mechanism (ETM) show progress, the report argues that a truly just transition requires economic diversification, reskilling of the workforce, and the reclamation of abandoned mines.

The report argues that the IMF's economic surveillance of Colombia and Indonesia reveals significant 'blind spots' regarding the green transition. It finds that the IMF prioritizes austerity and market-based pricing mechanisms over green industrial policies and fails to adequately quantify long-term climate risks or the financing needs for adaptation and mitigation. The authors call for a systematic integration of climate issues into policy recommendations, better sequencing of fiscal advice, and wider engagement with civil society.

The guide outlines strategies for engaging diverse stakeholders in just transition processes, emphasizing the need to tailor approaches to national contexts, build trust through personal relationships, and leverage existing networks. It draws on research from the South-to-South Just Transitions network in countries including Argentina, Vietnam, and Indonesia, highlighting both the effectiveness of virtual and in-person engagements and the challenges of securing high-level official participation.

RMI provides recommendations for Indonesia's coal transition based on a model applied to the Java-Bali grid, emphasizing the integration of coal retirement and clean energy deployment to ensure financial feasibility and emissions reductions.

The report alleges that government officials pushing for the Rempang Eco City project—specifically the establishment of a Xinyi Glass solar panel factory—may have business affiliations with solar power plant (PLTS) projects in Batam. It argues that these two PSNs form a business ecosystem where officials' affiliated companies would be potential buyers of the panels produced in Rempang. Additionally, the report claims that PT MEG, a manager of Rempang Eco City, is likely a shell company linked to a tax haven in the British Virgin Islands. The document also notes human rights violations and community resistance, including the use of tear gas against children during protests on September 7, 2023.

The World Resources Institute emphasizes that the shift to electric vehicles (EVs) in the U.S. presents an opportunity for net job creation and improved wages, provided that robust policies and unionization are utilized to protect workers during the transition.

The document analyzes social resistance and negotiations surrounding a proposed lithium mine in the Barroso region of northern Portugal, framed within the European Commission's goal to expand domestic lithium sourcing for electric vehicle batteries. Using a political ecology approach based on 27 interviews and ethnographic research from August 2021, the study explores how local communities respond to the concept of "green mining" and the European Commission's pledge for a just transition.

The We Mean Business Coalition has launched the 'Fossil to Clean' campaign to accelerate the global transition from fossil fuels to clean energy. The campaign introduces 'Fossil to Clean principles' that call for explicit end dates for fossil fuel use to provide market certainty and prevent unwise economic risks in new oil and gas projects. While over 13,000 businesses are committed to science-based emission reductions, the coalition emphasizes that government regulation is the most critical accelerator to overcome barriers such as permitting delays and lack of infrastructure. The campaign aims to mobilize business voices leading up to COP28 to push governments to include fossil fuel phase-out targets in their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs).

The We Mean Business Coalition outlines a framework for a just transition to clean energy, requiring the phase-out of unabated thermal coal, oil, and gas by 2040 at the latest. The principles demand that corporate energy consumers and producers publish Climate Transition Action Plans (CTAPs) with interim targets, while financial institutions must immediately end funding for coal value chains and new oil and gas exploration. Governments are urged to reach 100% decarbonized power systems by 2035 in advanced economies and 2040 elsewhere, with wealthier nations acting as first movers and supporting the Global South through finance and capacity-building.

The document argues that Indonesia's long-term Just Energy Transition program will require funding likely exceeding USD 200 billion over 10 to 15 years, far surpassing the USD 20 billion committed via the I-JETP. It proposes a "3+1" strategy to mobilize capital from multilateral development banks, international and domestic private capital, and the domestic public sector, including state-owned enterprises and private mining companies. While international liquidity is deemed sufficient to meet I-JETP targets, the report identifies the lack of bankable clean energy projects as the primary obstacle, calling for increased effort from the International Partners Group (IPG) and the Glasgow Financial Alliance for Net Zero (GFANZ) to build a project pipeline.