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The ASEAN sustainable finance market contracted by 32% in 2022 to USD 36bn due to rising inflation and interest rates, though volumes remained double those of 2020. Singapore continues to lead the region, accounting for 60% of 2022 issuance. While green bonds and loans showed the most resilience, sustainability-linked bonds (SLBs) saw a nearly 90% plunge. Sovereign issuance remained robust, with Singapore and the Philippines entering as new sovereign issuers. The report highlights a shift toward local currency denomination in green debt and a critical need for mandatory, science-based corporate transition plans to avoid greenwashing and support hard-to-abate sectors.

The paper examines the transformation of German-African energy relations, moving from a focus on energy poverty and development aid to a complex mix of energy diplomacy, strategic resource interests, and hydrogen technology. It highlights a tension between 'green objectives' (renewables) and 'fossilist objectives' (LNG imports), while warning against 'energy colonialism' in large-scale projects. The author advocates for a transition toward 'energy justice' and a value-chain approach to hydrogen to ensure equitable benefits for African nations.

The report finds that while the world outside China is nearing a 'no new coal' milestone, a massive surge in coal permitting and construction in China is offsetting global progress. In 2022, the global coal fleet grew by 19.5 GW, driven by China, which now accounts for 68% of global capacity under development. While the U.S. and EU continue to retire capacity, the pace of global retirements remains far below the levels required to meet a 1.5C pathway, which would necessitate an average of 117 GW of retirements per year. The report also highlights the role of private finance, noting that most financial institutions' coal policies remain insufficient to align with climate science.

The document examines the constraints of the current international finance architecture for Africa, noting that between 2016 and 2020, the continent received only $19.5 billion in climate funding against annual adaptation needs of $30-50 billion. It proposes that the G20 can bridge this gap by developing green finance taxonomies, promoting risk sharing through multilateral development bank guarantees, and facilitating carbon pricing. The author advocates for the use of debt-for-climate swaps to alleviate debt burdens while funding nature conservation and the expansion of Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs), citing the South African model. Additionally, the paper highlights the role of natural gas as a transition fuel and the importance of investing in the AFOLU sector, which contributed 56% of Africa's total emissions in 2016.

The document addresses the 'dilemma' where financing the early retirement of coal plants increases a financial institution's portfolio emissions, potentially violating net-zero targets. It proposes four accounting alternatives: rebaselining, sectoral targets, 'bad portfolios', and Net Present Value (NPV) accounting. It also details various financing mechanisms such as Managed Transition Vehicles and repurposing plants, specifically in the context of JETPs in South Africa, Indonesia, and Vietnam.

The report analyzes the contradictions between Indonesia's climate commitments and its energy planning, highlighting a significant oversupply of fossil fuel capacity and the risks of relying on 'false solutions' like biomass and ammonia co-firing.

The report highlights a significant gap between Indonesia's climate commitments and its energy policies, noting a severe oversupply of electricity primarily driven by coal. It argues that the RUPTL 2021-2030 continues to plan for fossil fuel capacity, which contradicts NZE targets. The document further critiques 'new' technologies like biomass and ammonia co-firing, CCUS, and Clean Coal Technology as 'false solutions' that risk extending the lifespan of coal plants rather than accelerating a transition to renewables.

The document outlines a roadmap for Indonesia to transition to a low-carbon economy without leaving vulnerable workers and communities behind. It defines the dimensions of just transition—procedural, distributive, and restorative—and provides a set of principles and a planning checklist. The guide analyses Indonesia's current policy landscape, highlighting the dominance of the energy sector in transition discussions and the need for a more cross-sectoral approach. It also presents international case studies from Germany, Canada, Sweden, the USA, and Australia to illustrate different leadership models and outcomes. Key recommendations include establishing a national governing body, creating a centralised database of affected workers, and enhancing social dialogue to ensure inclusive decision-making.

Global Witness reports that at least 177 land and environmental defenders were murdered in 2022, with Latin America accounting for 88% of these cases. The report highlights the extreme danger faced by Indigenous peoples, who represented 36% of those killed, and identifies the Amazon as a critical hotspot where 22% of global killings occurred. It specifically examines the role of illegal gold mining in Brazil, Venezuela, and Peru, and the impact of the 'green transition' mineral boom in Southeast Asia. The document argues that impunity for these crimes is systemic and calls for stronger corporate accountability, specifically through the EU's Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive.

In 2022, Global Witness documented at least 177 killings of land and environmental defenders, with 88% occurring in Latin America. Colombia, Brazil, and Mexico accounted for over 70% of these deaths. The report highlights a critical situation in the Amazon, where 22% of global killings occurred, often linked to illegal mining and agroindustry. It also details the 'criminalization' of activists as a non-lethal strategy to silence dissent. The document advocates for the EU's proposed Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive to hold companies accountable for human rights and environmental abuses in their global supply chains.

An analysis of Indonesian commercial banks reveals that while there is 100% compliance with mandatory sustainability reporting under POJK 51, the quality of these reports lacks the technical depth required by international standards like the TCFD. Between 2019 and 2021, ESG portfolios reached USD 3.6 trillion, but over 70% of this was directed toward MSME financing rather than green activities. Private banks show a higher proportion of green finance (41%) compared to state-owned banks (23%), yet the total commercial bank contribution meets only 9% of the USD 285 billion needed for Indonesia's 2030 climate goals. Significant gaps exist in risk management, with fewer than 15% of banks integrating climate-related risks into their overall risk frameworks, and none incorporating climate impacts into their financial statements.

The document contends that JETP countries should leapfrog fossil gas to avoid economic volatility and asset stranding, instead leveraging their significant solar and wind resources to improve energy access and ensure a climate-safe transition.

The Institute for Economic Justice criticizes the $8.5-billion Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) in South Africa, arguing that its reliance on loans and private-sector 'de-risking' rather than grants will increase energy costs and benefit foreign investors while neglecting local manufacturing and worker protections. The document further condemns the secretive nature of the negotiations, which it claims undermines procedural justice and excludes key stakeholders.

The We Mean Business Coalition calls for the urgent delivery of the $100 billion annual climate finance commitment to developing countries and the implementation of market signals to steer private capital toward net zero. The coalition emphasizes the need for reforming fossil fuel subsidies, implementing carbon pricing, and mandating transparent, comparable sustainability reporting standards aligned with the International Sustainability Standards Board (ISSB) to prevent greenwashing and facilitate sustainable investment.

The LAC campaign urges South Africa to advocate for climate reparations and a non-fossil fuel development vision for Africa at COP27, while domestically accelerating the transition to renewable energy and phasing out coal by 2040.

The document examines the role of Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs) in facilitating the shift from fossil fuels to clean energy in five emerging economies. It argues against the use of natural gas as a 'bridging fuel,' citing price volatility, the risk of stranded assets, and methane emissions. Instead, it advocates for 'leapfrogging' directly to renewables, noting that solar and wind are cost-competitive and better suited for expanding energy access in rural areas. The brief emphasizes that a gas-led transition would be economically disadvantageous and inconsistent with the 1.5°C Paris Agreement goal.

One year after COP26, progress on climate pledges is described as "mixed at best," with some advancements in renewable energy and net-zero targets countered by a resurgence in fossil fuel reliance due to the Russia-Ukraine war. While 24 countries updated their emissions targets and renewable capacity reached new heights, global fossil fuel subsidies nearly doubled in 2021. Financial commitments remain unmet, with developed nations still $17 billion short of the $100 billion annual goal for 2020. Efforts to curb methane and deforestation have seen expanded participation, but accountability for city-level net-zero pledges remains low due to a lack of reported emissions data.

WRI identifies six critical objectives for COP27: establishing a loss and damage financing mechanism, scaling adaptation support, strengthening national emissions targets (NDCs), ensuring the $100 billion climate finance goal is met, advancing the Global Stocktake, and converting previous Glasgow commitments into tangible actions.

The Life after Coal Campaign (LAC) and Fair Finance Southern Africa (FFSA) call for greater transparency and civil society inclusion in South Africa's Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP). They demand clarity on financial offers from the International Partners Group, the composition of JETP working groups, and the accessibility of the JETP Investment Plan. The coalitions argue that climate finance must prioritize 'justice elements'—including gender-responsive interventions and community-led projects—while strictly excluding funding for new coal, gas, or nuclear energy. They further emphasize the need for robust governance to track finance flows and ensure that the transition does not impose austerity on low-income users.

The We Mean Business Coalition argues that the 2022 G7 Summit missed a critical opportunity to provide the clear policy signals and concrete actions needed to accelerate the energy transition. While acknowledging the reaffirmation of power system decarbonization by 2035 and the welcome of the International Sustainability Standards Board, the Coalition warns that emergency responses to replace Russian gas must not lock nations into new fossil fuel infrastructure. The statement calls for specific measures, including 70% renewable power by 2030, increased energy efficiency, and the scaling of heat pump technology, to align with Paris Agreement objectives.