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The document examines South Africa's role as Africa's representative in the G-20 and BRICS, arguing that its effectiveness is limited by domestic challenges and a competitive relationship with Nigeria. It traces the historical trajectory of South Africa-Nigeria relations from the anti-apartheid struggle to post-1999 democratic cooperation and subsequent diplomatic rifts. The author contends that a reinvigorated partnership between these two pivotal states is essential to avoid Africa's marginalisation in global economic governance and recommends evidence-based research and a shared developmental agenda to move beyond rivalry.

The paper finds that Nigeria's trade with BRICS is heavily skewed toward crude oil exports and manufactured imports, with China and South Africa playing the most significant roles in driving Nigerian GDP growth through imports and exports, respectively.

The document examines how climate change threatens Kenya's trade sector, particularly agriculture and tourism, through infrastructure damage and supply chain disruptions. It discusses the potential for 'green protectionism' via carbon labeling and border carbon adjustments, while suggesting that Kenya could gain a competitive advantage by branding its low-carbon niche products.

The analysis reveals a significant increase in trade between Ethiopia and BRICS, particularly with China and India, though the relationship remains characterized by a 'North-South' pattern. Ethiopia primarily exports primary products and crude materials while importing manufactured goods and machinery. While there are signs of diversification in the leather industry, the paper argues that Ethiopia must prioritize commodity-based transformation and value chain development to maximize the benefits of its trade with BRICS.

The document examines Brazil's shift from traditional state-led foreign policy to a 'public policy' approach, characterized by a plurality of actors including domestic ministries and subnational entities. It details Brazil's South–South co-operation (SSC) strategies, which emphasize horizontal relationships and solidarity over traditional donor-recipient models. The analysis highlights the strategic importance of Africa, noting significant growth in trade, technical co-operation through the Brazilian Cooperation Agency (ABC), and the role of state-owned enterprises like Vale and Petrobras. It argues that these strategies are part of Brazil's broader pursuit of political autonomy and global power status through coalitions like BRICS and IBSA.

The report introduces the IISD Supply Risk Tool, a framework designed to identify 'hot spots' where social and environmental hazards in foreign supply chains threaten the security of supply for Chinese enterprises and the national economy. It defines supply risk as a combination of demand-side factors (economic importance and vulnerability) and supply-side hazards (country environment and producer sustainability). The methodology uses a scoring system (0-3) to calculate hazard loss exposure and overall supply risk, which was piloted using copper and palm oil supply chains. The authors argue that China lacks a central government mandate to manage its international import footprint and recommend policy steps including strengthening embassy capabilities, engaging with international standards, and integrating sustainability into green public procurement.

The document argues that adaptation planning has historically focused on local, direct impacts, neglecting the interconnected nature of global trade, finance, and migration. It proposes a framework to identify 'transboundary' and 'teleconnected' indirect impacts, categorizing them into four risk pathways: people, bio-physical, trade, and finance. The brief provides specific diagnostic questions for each pathway and recommends that NAPs include dedicated sections on international dimensions of vulnerability to improve regional and global resilience.

The document argues that the global agro-food system is increasingly inefficient due to a disconnection between crop production and livestock, driven by rising demands for animal protein and high rates of food waste. It highlights that international trade of food and feed has increased eightfold over the last 50 years, leading to significant nitrogen pollution and greenhouse gas emissions. Using Spain as a primary example, the authors demonstrate how a shift from a Mediterranean diet to one rich in animal proteins has increased nitrogen pollution and created 'emission leakage,' where emissions associated with imported feed in non-Annex B countries exceed those from domestic production. The briefing suggests that reducing animal protein intake, decreasing food waste, and reconnecting crops with livestock are essential for global food security and environmental safety.

The author contends that the TTIP will harm the Global South through the diversion of trade flows and the imposition of EU-US standards on other nations. Mexico is highlighted as particularly vulnerable, specifically in its garment industry. The text suggests the agreement is a strategic attempt by the US and EU to bolster their diminishing economic influence and sideline the BRICS nations, potentially undermining the multilateral trading system in favor of a non-transparent, power-driven trade regime.

The relationship between Mozambique and Malawi has historically been marked by distrust, peaking during the second term of Malawi's President Bingu wa Mutharika. However, since President Joyce Banda took office in April 2012, relations have warmed, leading to the revival of critical infrastructure projects like the Interconnector Project and the Nacala Development Corridor. The document argues that mutual economic interdependency, particularly Malawi's need for sea access and energy security, provides a foundation for sustained stability.

The document analyzes the strategic relationship between Russia and South Africa, noting that while political ties are strong and mutually beneficial for challenging existing global governance structures (such as the IMF and G-20), economic cooperation remains significantly underdeveloped. It highlights South Africa's role as a gateway to the African continent and the potential for BRICS to serve as a coordination mechanism for developing nations to increase their bargaining power in global forums. The authors argue that increasing trade and investment flows is essential to making the BRICS forum more credible and reliable.

The report examines the potential for reducing global GHG emissions by relocating production of carbon-intensive goods to regions with lower emissions intensities. It finds significant variation in GHG intensity across countries for products like clothing and steel, suggesting that shifting production could yield benefits that outweigh increased transport emissions. A case study on steel identifies the Americas as well-positioned for low-GHG production due to biomass and natural gas availability. The report also evaluates trade policies, noting that while border carbon adjustments and preferential tariffs are options, they face significant legal, political, and administrative hurdles, particularly regarding WTO compatibility and the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities.

The briefing examines food insecurity in Africa, highlighting that sub-Saharan countries are the most food insecure globally. It discusses the role of the Comprehensive African Agricultural Development Programme (CAADP), the G-8's New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition, and the challenges posed by trade barriers and the Doha Round impasse. The authors argue that while trade is essential, it must be part of a comprehensive policy package including agricultural investment and financial innovation to ensure long-term food security.

DB Schenker, a German logistics multinational, expanded its Namibian presence in April 2012 by acquiring Desert Logistics. The company identifies a specific cross-border taxation system between Namibia and South Africa—requiring exporters to pay 25% of South African tax before transactions—as a significant risk to its long-term financial survival. Additionally, the company highlights the need for continued maintenance of transport corridors, such as the Trans Kalahari, to prevent increased transport times and insurance costs. While the company views corruption as a habitual practice in Africa and finds SADC communication technologies and licensing transparency positive, it warns that the unique tax structure between Namibia and South Africa requires political resolution.

Wesbank Transport, a Namibian logistics leader, faces significant barriers to regional expansion and efficiency due to non-standardized road permit systems, limited insurance coverage across SADC, and customs congestion. These challenges, alongside a lack of secure truck ports and restrictive visa regulations for drivers, force the company to avoid lucrative markets and focus only on predictable routes, resulting in lost revenue and reduced vehicle productivity.

The research paper examines how shifts in consumer behaviour in high-income countries to reduce GHG emissions—such as buying fewer goods and shifting to services—can disproportionately harm the GDP of lower-income countries and Least Developed Countries (LDCs) due to their reliance on trade. Using a multi-regional input-output (MRIO) model based on the WRAP scenario, the authors find that while such shifts benefit the domestic economy of the consuming country, they can lead to significant GDP losses in poor exporting nations. The paper suggests alternative strategies to align climate mitigation with development goals, such as preferentially sourcing products from low-GHG, low-income regions or improving production efficiency in developing countries.

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) maintains membership in four Regional Economic Communities (RECs)—COMESA, SADC, ECCAS, and CEPGL—but plays a negligible role in all of them. Despite data showing the DRC is more economically integrated with southern and eastern Africa (SADC and COMESA), the government has shown a preference for integration within the central African region (ECCAS-CEMAC). This contradiction is attributed to political drivers, such as regime survival and external pressure from the EU and Belgium, rather than economic logic. The DRC's integration is further hampered by overlapping memberships, political instability, a lack of industrial diversification, and poor internal transport infrastructure that leaves its provinces more integrated with neighbors than with the national economy.

The report analyzes the complex relationship between China's foreign direct investment (FDI), outward direct investment (ODI), and international trade with the environment. It identifies a historical trend of 'exchanging environment for economy' and argues that China must transition from a passive recipient of green technology to a proactive leader in global green transformation. Key recommendations include reforming FDI policies to prioritize high-tech and low-carbon sectors, enhancing the corporate social responsibility (CSR) of Chinese enterprises operating abroad, and actively participating in the formulation of international trade and investment rules to safeguard developing countries' interests while combating climate change.

The document examines the role of non-UNFCCC institutions in addressing climate change, suggesting that while the UNFCCC must remain the central coordinator due to its legitimacy and legal authority, other multilateral and minilateral venues can provide faster action or target specific pollutants. It warns against the risks of 'forum-shopping' and the marginalization of the UNFCCC, recommending formalized coordination and the application of UNFCCC principles, such as 'common but differentiated responsibilities', across all climate-related initiatives.

The report examines the role of agriculture within UNFCCC negotiations, highlighting its unique position as a sector where mitigation and adaptation are intertwined. It identifies key areas of consensus, such as the link between agriculture and food security, while detailing points of contention between developed and developing nations regarding trade implications, the principle of common but differentiated responsibility (CBDR), and the use of carbon markets. The document argues for a 'triple dividend' approach that simultaneously improves food security, adaptive capacity, and emission reductions.