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The regulations define the Science and Policy Advisory Committee (SPAC) as a five-member body elected by the Conference of the Parties. The committee provides advice on the application of science in policy formulation and decision-making, operating through specific quorum, voting, and meeting requirements.

The guide describes an 11-session course focused on scaling up health system adaptation in the Americas. It emphasizes moving from reactive, incremental pilot projects to transformative, system-wide resilience. Key components include vulnerability and adaptation assessments (V&A), community empowerment, strategic communication, and the integration of low-carbon transitions with climate resilience. The course also addresses governance challenges, equity for vulnerable and indigenous populations, and the necessity of partnerships between governments and civil society.

The report examines how national trade policy processes in six diverse countries affect the legitimacy and effectiveness of international trade negotiations. It argues that transparent and participatory domestic processes are essential for aligning trade policy with sustainable development goals, preventing the capture of policy by narrow elites, and ensuring that the needs of growth, environment, and social cohesion are considered. The text analyzes various consultation mechanisms—ranging from inter-departmental and business-focused to multistakeholder and parliamentary oversight—and highlights the tension between the need for negotiating secrecy and the demand for democratic accountability.

The Second All Stakeholders' Conference in Zimbabwe failed to resolve fundamental disagreements between ZANU-PF and the MDC formations regarding the draft constitution, specifically concerning the powers of the presidency and security sector reform. While cosmetic amendments were approved, key constitutional issues remain contested. The process is governed by the Global Political Agreement (GPA), with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) acting as a guarantor. There are concerns that the final draft may reflect political compromises rather than popular views and that President Robert Mugabe may attempt to exert undue influence over the final outcome, potentially violating the GPA.

The author contends that South Africa's ethics infrastructure is ineffective due to poor compliance and a lack of enforcement, which erodes public trust and government credibility. The text identifies unregulated areas—such as private political party funding and the 'revolving door' between government and business—as key drivers of corruption. To address these, the document proposes a series of institutional reforms, including the creation of an Integrity Commissioner, the implementation of lifestyle audits, and the regulation of private funds to political parties, while emphasizing the need for public officials to internalize ethical values.

The document examines the rise of NGOs in Africa since the 1980s, driven by the perceived failure of states to provide basic services and maintain accountability. While NGOs have partnered with international agencies like the World Bank and UN to fill gaps in health and education, their increasing capacity has led to conflict with African governments. States often view autonomous NGOs as political challengers, leading to restrictive legislation in countries such as Kenya and Uganda. The author concludes that while NGOs offer a development alternative, they cannot substitute for the state's role in providing essential infrastructure and basic services.

The document argues that tensions between the Somali Federal Government (SFG) and regional actors over the creation of the Jubaland state—comprising Gedo, Middle Juba, and Lower Juba—threaten national stability. While Kenya and Ethiopia seek a buffer zone to secure their borders against Al-Shabaab, the SFG views the current process as unilateral and unconstitutional. The briefing warns that these disputes over governance, clan representation, and sovereignty create security gaps that Al-Shabaab can exploit, as evidenced by the group's rapid takeover of Huddur following Ethiopian troop withdrawals.

The document evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of the Democratic Republic of Congo's anti-corruption framework between 2003 and 2006, identifying gaps in national laws relative to international standards and providing recommendations for institutional improvement.

This report summarizes a two-day roundtable held in September 2010 by the Institute for Security Studies' Corruption & Governance Programme, featuring civil society experts from Africa, Asia, and Latin America. The document outlines a pilot project to monitor the governance of climate finance at local levels, specifically examining the Adaptation Fund, the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), and Reduced Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD).

The briefing analyzes a four-day ANC policy conference, concluding that the party avoided definitive positions on corruption, education, and the 'Second Transition' to maintain political unity and economic stability ahead of the Mangaung national conference. While the ANC rejected constitutional amendments for land reform and full nationalisation of strategic resources, it resolved to abandon the 'willing buyer, willing seller' principle and increase the state's role in strategic mineral projects.

The document reports that Malawi is on track to meet five of the eight Millennium Development Goals, attributing this progress to the alignment of the Malawi Growth and Development Strategy (MGDS) with the MDGs. Key successes include a shift from being a net food importer to a net exporter through targeted fertilizer and seed subsidies, as well as improvements in child health and immunization services. The paper emphasizes the role of political will and the contextualization of global goals into national poverty reduction strategies, while calling for development partners to better integrate their programming into Malawi's national frameworks.

The document analyzes the anti-corruption framework in the Democratic Republic of the Congo from 2003 to 2006, assessing the effectiveness of existing laws and institutions. It identifies factors contributing to their success or failure and highlights gaps in national legislation relative to international legal instruments. The monograph concludes by proposing priority measures to improve the legal and institutional framework for combating corruption.

Recent research indicates that while ex-combatants in the Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, and South Sudan engage in diverse economic activities—primarily small businesses in the informal sector—their success is hindered by dilapidated infrastructure, predatory taxation, and limited access to credit. The study finds that sustainable peace is possible if reintegration continues, though risks remain higher for young unmarried males who may resort to criminal activities or re-militarization. The presence of mineral wealth in ungoverned spaces offers wealth accumulation opportunities but exposes ex-combatants to violence and extortion by armed groups.

This report summarizes a two-day meeting hosted by the Institute for Security Studies' Corruption and Governance Programme in September 2010, which brought together the South African Civil Society Energy Caucus to discuss governance, public participation, and accountability in South Africa's energy policy processes.

The document argues that while Zambia has a growing tradition of civil society activism, these organisations have largely ignored the military, leaving a void in the oversight of defence policy and budgeting. It highlights the historical context of coup attempts in 1990 and 1997 as evidence of weak civil-military relations and calls for a shift away from military secrecy toward transparency. The author suggests that civil society, parliament, and the executive must collaborate to define a democratic security doctrine, specifically targeting defence budgeting and policy formulation to prevent military intervention and ensure accountability for public funds.

The document proposes a comprehensive framework to analyze and overcome the stagnation of growth and development in Africa. It identifies key constraints—including climate, geography, weak governance, and conflict—and organizes a work programme around three linked areas: growth and resources, empowerment and culture, and governance and institutions. The framework emphasizes the need for a "big push" of mutually supporting actions, focusing on private sector-led growth, agricultural improvement, trade diversification, human development, and enhanced transparency in economic governance. It specifically highlights the vulnerability of African economic growth to climate change and the necessity of increasing concessional resources and aid effectiveness to support these goals.

The notes detail the implementation of UN Resolution 1493, which strengthened MONUC's mandate in the DRC. Key discussions include the role of the International Committee to Accompany the Transition (CIAT), South Africa's Third Party Verification Mechanism (TPVM), and the challenges of transitioning from a war economy to a regulated state. The text also addresses the need for regional stability in the Great Lakes Region, the importance of Radio Okapi for national unification, and the complexities of holding democratic elections while managing a centralized power structure in Kinshasa.

The report assesses Zambia's stability, noting that while the country has avoided civil war, it faces structural threats from pervasive poverty, neopatrimonial governance, and an imbalance of power between the executive and other state branches. It highlights the risk of political entrepreneurs exploiting ethnic tensions and the potential for social unrest due to economic inequality and a stalled constitutional review process.

PARI supports proposed amendments to the Public Service Act (PSA) and Public Administration Management Act (PAMA) that devolve administrative powers to heads of department (HODs) and standardise conditions of service. However, PARI argues that these changes must be accompanied by a structured recruitment mechanism involving the Public Service Commission (PSC) to prevent political patronage. The institute also notes the absence of proposed tenure extensions for HODs and suggests strengthening rules against employees conducting business with the state by including beneficial owners, not just directors.

The document analyzes the impact of political patronage and 'state capture' on South Africa's public administration, arguing that current 'across-the-board' reform efforts are too hesitant and risky. It proposes empowering the Public Service Commission to lead recruitment planning and selection for senior administrative heads, rolling this out gradually across state organizations to avoid political backlash while entrenching merit-based appointments.