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The document argues that Uganda's current legal framework, specifically the Companies Bill of 2009 and the Petroleum Bills of 2012, is insufficient for the governance of its proposed national oil company (NOC) because it focuses on shareholders rather than a broader range of stakeholders. By contrasting this with Norway's model—which utilizes the Department of State Ownership to enforce transparency, performance targets, and independent board control—the author recommends that Uganda enact mandatory corporate governance guidelines for SOEs and establish a central supervisory institution to prevent corruption and government interference.

The research examines how the physical and economic characteristics of natural resources predispose them to be exploited by warring factions in Africa. It posits that resources requiring low specialized skills, high portability, and high liquidity (like alluvial diamonds) are more likely to fuel conflict. Conversely, capital-intensive resources (like deep-level gold or oil) are less attractive to rebels but can still be linked to conflict through state weakness and elite rent-seeking. The author emphasizes that while resource characteristics create vulnerabilities, the state's capacity to manage grievances and maintain territorial control determines whether these vulnerabilities lead to actual conflict.

The document argues that the global energy system is driven by neoliberalism and extractivism, benefiting a small elite while causing climate devastation and energy poverty. It critiques both fossil fuels and certain 'clean' alternatives—such as mega-dams and industrial biofuels—as destructive. The authors advocate for a decentralized, democratically controlled energy system that prioritizes human rights and ecological limits over corporate profit.

The document argues that the global energy system is unsustainable and unjust, driven by neoliberalism and extractivism. It details the environmental and social harms of fossil fuels, nuclear power, and certain 'clean' alternatives, while warning against 'techno-fixes' and corporate-led transitions. It advocates for a decentralized, democratically controlled system that prioritizes basic human rights to energy and a just transition for workers.

The report identifies a 'syndrome of fragility' in Africa driven by the interaction of poor governance, conflict, inequality, and poverty. Using the International Futures (IFs) system, it forecasts that while 16 of the 26 identified 'more fragile' states could transition toward resilience by 2050, ten countries—including the DRC, Somalia, and South Sudan—are at risk of remaining in a fragility trap. The analysis warns that climate change and democratic deficits could exacerbate these risks, and recommends long-term national development plans, extractive sector reform, and direct cash transfers to the poor to pivot toward a more optimistic future.

A joint statement by multiple organizations calling for the Guatemalan government to operationalize and strengthen the mechanism for analyzing attacks against human rights defenders, citing a pattern of violence and criminalization linked to extractive and hydroelectric projects.

The document examines the conflict between Uganda's constitutional property rights and the practical application of land acquisition laws in the oil sector. It highlights systemic failures in compensation processes, the inadequacy of current legislation, and the vulnerability of grassroots landowners facing displacement for oil-related infrastructure.

The document argues that Argentina's shift toward a large-scale extractivist mining model, accelerated by the 2004 National Mining Plan, has led to systemic human rights violations. It highlights the repression of community protests against open-pit mining, citing police violence, arbitrary detentions, and the criminalization of dissent through legislation like the 2011 Anti-Terrorist Law. The text specifically identifies threats to the fundamental right to water and a healthy environment, while documenting numerous clashes in provinces such as Catamarca, Tucumán, and La Rioja.

The report finds that Suriname lacks legal recognition for indigenous and tribal peoples as collectivities, leaving their traditional land and resource rights unprotected. This legal vacuum allows the state to issue extractive concessions and establish protected areas without the free, prior, and informed consent of local communities, often criminalizing traditional subsistence activities. While the Inter-American Court of Human Rights has issued landmark rulings, such as the Saramaka case, requiring the recognition of collective titles and juridical personality, the report concludes that the Surinamese government has failed to implement these mandates, maintaining a discriminatory legal environment that undermines both human rights and biodiversity conservation.

The document examines the status of Indigenous Territories and Community Conserved Areas (TICCAs) in Bolivia, highlighting the gap between the country's advanced constitutional protections for indigenous peoples and the actual implementation of state policies. It details the legal evolution from the 1953 Agrarian Reform to the 2009 Constitution, which recognizes Bolivia as a Plurinational State. The report identifies significant threats to biodiversity and indigenous governance, including the expansion of the agricultural frontier, large-scale extractivist projects (mining and hydrocarbons), and the government's failure to conduct prior informed consultation. Through case studies of the TIPNIS and Kaa-Iya, it illustrates conflicts over infrastructure projects and the erosion of co-management agreements between the state and indigenous organizations.

The document examines the systemic lack of legal recognition for Indigenous and Community Conserved Areas (TICCAs) in Chile. It argues that the Chilean state prioritizes individual property and extractivist economic models over communal indigenous land rights, often criminalizing social protests. While international instruments like ILO Convention 169 and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples are ratified, their domestic implementation is described as precarious. The report highlights a tension between state-managed protected areas—which often exclude indigenous populations—and community-led initiatives like the Mapu Lahual and Quinquén projects. It concludes that deep legal reforms are necessary to transition from an exclusionary 'Yellowstone model' of conservation to one based on shared governance and the restitution of ancestral lands.

The report examines the legal and institutional landscape of Fiji regarding Indigenous and Community Conserved Areas (ICCAs), highlighting a significant gap between customary stewardship and formal legal recognition. While 87.9% of land is i Taukei (indigenous) owned, marine and freshwater tenure is vested in the State, creating contradictions with traditional 'i qoliqoli' fishing rights. The document details the growth of Locally Managed Marine Areas (LMMAs) and the challenges posed by political instability, overlapping agency mandates, and the prioritization of extractive industries like mining over conservation. It argues for a comprehensive national protected area legislative framework to formally recognize ICCAs and protect them from encroachment.

The document examines the rapid growth of the coal mining sector in Mozambique's Tete province, driven by investments from companies like Vale, Rio Tinto, and Jindal Steel. While these investments have spurred infrastructure development and some social projects, the brief highlights significant challenges, including poor transparency of mining contracts, a lack of skilled local labor, and the complexities of community relocation. It argues that for coal to drive genuine development, the Mozambican government must establish a stronger regulatory framework, ensure public accountability for extractive agreements, and better coordinate corporate social responsibility (CSR) efforts with national development plans.

The document argues that the Peruvian state violated international human rights law by granting mining concessions in the Tiquillaca district without prior consultation with the Arboleda and other indigenous peoples. It asserts that under the American Convention on Human Rights and ILO Convention 169, such consultations must occur during the earliest planning stages and, for large-scale projects, require free, prior, and informed consent. The authors contend that the failure to consult renders the concessions null and void, requiring the judiciary to review them to ensure the survival and territorial rights of the affected communities.

The document analyzes the REDD+ supply chain, identifying key private sector roles including investors, producers, brokers, advisors, auditors, and end-buyers. It highlights that while some pioneering investment funds and multinational firms are engaging through voluntary markets and CSR initiatives, significant barriers remain, specifically a lack of policy certainty and unresolved land tenure and carbon ownership issues. The brief argues that scaling up private investment requires a shift toward compliance carbon markets, the implementation of nested crediting frameworks for direct performance-based payments, and the integration of deforestation-driving industries, such as extractive sectors, into the REDD+ dialogue.

The report analyzes the private sector's role in the REDD+ supply chain, identifying key players as investors, producers, brokers, advisors, auditors, and end-buyers. It highlights critical barriers such as policy uncertainty, land tenure disputes, and the need for robust social and environmental safeguards. The document proposes strategies to scale up private investment, including the integration of REDD+ into compliance carbon markets, the adoption of nested crediting frameworks, and the inclusion of extractive industries in conservation dialogues.

The discovery of oil and gas in Ghana's Western Region in 2007 created high expectations for economic development and job creation that have not been met. Local populations, particularly youth, fishermen, and farmers, report marginalisation, loss of livelihoods, and rising costs of living. The lack of tangible infrastructure and employment opportunities has led to frustration and threats of illegal roadblocks. The author recommends that the government engage local chiefs, provide skills training for youth, and initiate urgent infrastructure projects to avert potential conflict.

The document condemns the Peruvian government for an 'alarmante escalada de represión' involving firearms and helicopters against environmental protesters. It highlights casualties in El Espinar, Bambamarca, and Celedín, and denounces the arbitrary detention of community leader Marco Arana. The statement specifically calls on the multinational company Newmont to address the violence surrounding the Conga mining project, which threatens regional water sources.

Friends of the Earth International condemns the Peruvian government for using disproportionate force, including firearms from helicopters, against environmental protesters. The statement highlights deaths and injuries in El Espinar, Bambamarca, and Celedín, and denounces the arbitrary detention of Father Marco Arana. It calls for an end to the repression and demands a statement from the multinational company Newmont regarding the violence associated with the Conga project.

The document examines the potential for Mozambique's hydrocarbon wealth to supplant its chronic reliance on foreign aid, particularly from the G19 group of Western donors. While resource revenues could increase government autonomy and shift commercial partnerships toward Asia and South America, the author warns that this may replace aid dependence with a new dependence on foreign capital and technology. The brief highlights risks such as the 'resource curse', rent-seeking, and the limited local economic impact of capital-intensive 'mega-projects', recommending that the government integrate resource strategies with broader development goals and that donors shift from budget support to targeted sectoral funding.