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Africa holds about 30 percent of global proven critical resource mineral (CRM) supplies but primarily exports them in raw form. The document identifies significant barriers to domestic value addition—including technical capacity, infrastructure, and investment gaps—and posits that regional collaboration is the only viable way to achieve the scale necessary for competitive downstream processing amid rising global demand for the energy and digital transitions.

The document highlights the high carbon intensity of synthetic fertilizer production, which relies heavily on coal and natural gas, and the significant nitrous oxide emissions released during field application. It identifies China as a key global market player that has implemented an integrated governance framework combining policy, market mechanisms, and technology to coordinate the low-carbon transition of its fertilizer industry.

The research paper examines the increasing role of GCC countries—primarily the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar—as major investors in Africa's energy transition and infrastructure. It identifies food security and economic diversification away from hydrocarbons as the primary drivers for Gulf states. While highlighting significant projects in renewable energy and mining, the paper warns that the current focus on large-scale, export-oriented developments may sideline local community needs and climate adaptation priorities unless African policymakers actively steer investments toward local beneficiation and regional integration.

The author contends that while central bank independence must be protected from populist right-wing capture—citing attempts by Donald Trump in the US and leaders in Turkey and India—the current technocratic orthodoxy is failing. The text argues that the ECB's focus on price stability via interest rate hikes has been ineffective against 'cost-push' inflation and 'greedflation', and has actively hindered the green transition by increasing capital costs for renewables. To remedy this, the document proposes a 'whole-of-government approach' involving a coordination council and the definition of time-bound secondary objectives, such as 'green interest rate' policies, to align monetary policy with democratic goals without requiring treaty changes.

This research paper by Steven Haig of the International Institute for Sustainable Development argues that expanding liquefied natural gas (LNG) production in Canada will increase domestic and global emissions, hinder the transition to renewable energy, and divert public funds from climate solutions.

Colombia faces a projected gas supply deficit starting in 2030, as national production declines and import capacity becomes insufficient. The report argues that this vulnerability can be mitigated by reducing demand through a 14% increase in industrial energy efficiency and the electrification of residential cooking and water heating. Specifically, replacing 10% of gas stoves and 30% of water heaters with electric alternatives could significantly lower demand. The authors recommend a planned, just transition that includes reorienting subsidies toward electrification, implementing a national equipment replacement program, and avoiding long-term fossil fuel lock-ins like fracking.

The COP30 summit in Belém concluded with the "Mutirão global" agreement, which maintained negotiations but postponed key decisions on fossil fuels and adaptation finance. While the summit saw record indigenous participation and significant funding commitments for tropical forests and energy infrastructure, it failed to establish a clear mechanism to limit warming to 1.5°C and lacked a process for reviewing Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). The document urges reporters to translate these diplomatic results into human-centric stories focusing on vulnerable communities and territorial rights.

A coalition of environmental organisations criticises Nestlé for withdrawing from the Dairy Methane Action Alliance (DMAA), arguing that the move contradicts the company's stated climate commitments. The authors highlight that dairy and livestock account for 37% of Nestlé's total greenhouse gas emissions and urge the company to set a science-aligned methane reduction target of at least 30% by 2030, improve reporting transparency, and prioritise emissions reductions over carbon insetting.

The People's Summit declaration identifies the capitalist mode of production and transnational corporations as the primary drivers of the climate crisis. It rejects market-based 'false solutions' and calls for a transition based on popular sovereignty, the recognition of ancestral knowledge, and the redistribution of wealth from the Global North to the Global South. The document emphasizes the intersection of climate action with feminism, anti-imperialism, and the protection of indigenous territories.

The Peoples’ Summit declaration identifies the capitalist mode of production and transnational corporations as the primary causes of the climate crisis. It rejects market-based 'false solutions' and the current model of multilateralism, calling instead for a 'just, sovereign and popular transition.' Key demands include the demarcation of indigenous lands, popular agrarian reform, the end of fossil fuel exploitation, and the redirection of military spending toward climate repair. The document emphasizes feminist justice, the recognition of ancestral knowledge, and the need for international climate finance to bypass institutions like the IMF and World Bank to address the socio-environmental debt owed to the global South.

The People's Summit declaration argues that the capitalist mode of production and transnational corporations are the root causes of the climate crisis and environmental racism. It rejects market-based 'false solutions' and the current multilateral system, calling instead for the recognition of ancestral knowledge, the protection of indigenous territories, and a sovereign, popular energy transition. The document demands the end of fossil fuel extraction, the redistribution of wealth from the global north to the south as socio-environmental debt, and the implementation of agroecology and feminist care work as central to planetary survival.

The document argues that Europe needs a more integrated financial toolbox to bridge the 'valley of death' for cleantech innovators. It recommends increasing the budget for Horizon Europe to €200 billion and the ECF InvestEU guarantee to €50 billion, while calling for binding budgets for clean transition windows and the use of retail financial instruments to stimulate demand from end-consumers.

The report examines the diverse strategies employed by three major ASEAN economies—Viet Nam, the Philippines, and Indonesia—to unlock clean energy investments. Viet Nam is focusing on gradual liberalisation and corporate power purchase agreements (DPPA) to potentially double its renewable energy share. The Philippines is leveraging a long-standing liberalised market, utilizing Green Energy Auctions (GEA) and 100% foreign ownership to attract capital. Indonesia is implementing PPA reforms to manage currency risk and integrating carbon market mechanisms to incentivise developers, with solar identified as the most viable near-term expansion option.

Viet Nam, the Philippines, and Indonesia are transitioning from coal-reliant economies to renewable energy hotspots, collectively accounting for nearly 60% of ASEAN's power demand and emissions. While all three have set ambitious 2030 targets for renewables to exceed 50% of installed capacity, they face bottlenecks in permitting, grid infrastructure, and financial risk. The report highlights that solar-plus-battery integration significantly improves internal rates of return (IRR), particularly in Indonesia, and emphasizes the role of market reforms—such as Viet Nam's Direct Power Purchase Agreements and the Philippines' removal of foreign ownership restrictions—in attracting private capital.

The study finds a substantial disconnect between African climate commitments (NDCs) and national development blueprints (NDPs), with NDCs focusing on climate-centric sectors like energy and forestry while NDPs prioritize economic growth, finance, and the private sector. This 'parallel policy framework' is driven by institutional fragmentation, where NDCs are often externally funded and led by environment ministries, whereas NDPs are domestically anchored and led by economic planning ministries. The authors recommend a 'whole-of-government' approach to embed climate goals into national budgets and development strategies to maximize socio-economic co-benefits.

The report argues that inadequate housing is a critical determinant of health for Indigenous peoples in Canada, exacerbating respiratory illnesses and mental distress. It introduces the concept of 'Healthy Energy Homes'—dwellings that are energy-efficient, climate-resilient, and supportive of holistic well-being. The authors identify systemic institutional barriers, including fragmented government responsibilities, rigid and insufficient funding models (described as 'firefighting'), and significant capacity gaps within communities. To address these, the report recommends a coordinated 'single-window' government approach, the co-development of policies with Indigenous leaders, long-term investment agreements, and flexible funding models that prioritize holistic outcomes over prescriptive activities. It highlights successful community-led initiatives and international models from Ireland and New Zealand as evidence that integrated housing and health policies can generate significant social and economic returns.

The report argues that inadequate housing for First Nations, Inuit, and Métis people in Canada creates severe health burdens and climate vulnerabilities, which are exacerbated by fragmented government accountability and rigid funding models. It introduces the 'Healthy Energy Homes' concept—housing that is energy efficient, climate resilient, and supports well-being—as a way to achieve co-benefits for public health and Canada's net-zero goals. The authors recommend a shift toward long-term, flexible, and Indigenous-led investment agreements, the creation of interdepartmental coordination mechanisms, and the adoption of outcomes-based procurement to replace current 'firefighter' funding approaches.

The report analyzes over 300 advertisements from four oil majors, arguing that they used 'paltering'—mixing truth with omissions—to mislead the public about emissions reductions, renewable energy investments, and the viability of technologies like carbon capture and algae biofuels.

Following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine and subsequent Western sanctions, Russia has pivoted its fossil fuel exports toward Asia. While this has partially offset revenue losses from the European market, the report argues that Russia remains locked in a hydrocarbon-centric model that is increasingly misaligned with the decarbonisation trajectories of its primary Asian customers. China and India have leveraged discounted Russian oil and coal to support economic growth while simultaneously diversifying their energy portfolios and expanding renewable capacity. Vietnam has seen modest growth in Russian coal and nascent LNG trade, balancing energy security with sustainability goals. The report highlights structural bottlenecks, such as limited rail capacity for coal and the risks of a 'shadow fleet' for oil, as significant constraints on Russia's long-term export viability.

The report introduces the Just Transition Financing Framework (JTFF), a strategic model to manage the shift to a net-zero economy in fossil-fuel-reliant regions of India. Focusing on Jharkhand, the framework aims to prevent socioeconomic disruption by coordinating policy support, capacity building, project preparation, and capital mobilization. It outlines a governance structure involving a state-level Secretariat and a Project Management Unit (PMU) to channel diverse funding sources—including grants, concessional loans, and private equity—into targeted transition assistance for workers, communities, and industries.